2356 


---«j 


Origin  and  Early  Progress 


A 

A 

0 

u 

I) 

^ — ■■■^  1 

OF    Till-: 


°  ■ipublitra  f  iirtg  in  i\t  Inttc^  i'tates, 


TOGETHER  WITH   THE 


^i  ;tory  of  ife  Formatiou  in  Massacliusetts : 


WITH 


MEMORIA 


ADDRESSES 


ON    ilIE 


RECURRENCE  OF  ITS  WENTV-EIFTIT  ANNIVERSARY, 

Celebrated  at  Mechax.cs'  Hall,  AVorcesti.r,  Sept.  15,  1879. 


By    STEPHEN    M.    ALLEN, 

SURVIVING  PRESIDING  OFFICER  OF  'j'ln:  WORCESTER  CONVENTION, 
He;,!)  Jul-)  -id,  1S5i. 


BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED  BY  GETCIIELL  BROTHERS, 

Nos.  4  AND  12  Pearl  Street. 

1879. 


3  2.^, 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OE  CALIEORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


ULQt 


Origin  and  Early  Progress 


OF   THK 


llfpublicmi  farti)  in  lire  Initclr  Stales, 


TOGKTHEIt    WITH    THK 


History  of  its  Formation  in  Massaclmsetts 


MEMORIAL  ADDRESSES 


RECURRENCE  OF  ITS  TWENTY-FIFTH  ANNIVERSARY, 

Celebrated  at  Mechanics'  Hall,  Worcester,  Sept.  15,  1S79. 


By    STEPHEN    M  .    A  L  L  E  i\  , 

SURVIVING  TRESIDING  OFFICER  OF  THE  WORCESTER  CONVENTION, 
HklI)  .Tri.V  20.  1R54. 


BOS  T  O N : 
PUBLISHED  BY  GETCTIELL  BROTHERS, 

Nos.  4  AND  12  1'eakl  Street. 
1879. 


TO    THE 
WORKTNGMEN,    ARTISANS    AND   MERCHANTS 
OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 
WHOSE    BRAIN    AND    MUSCLE    SUPPLIED    THE    REAL    LABOR- 
CAPITAL    OF    THE    COUNTRY, 
FOUGHT    AND    WON    THE    BATTLES    FOR    THE    UNION, 
AND 
WHOSE  LOYALTY  JUSTLY  ENTITLES  THEM  TO  A 
PROPER  SHARE  IN  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THAT  GOVERNMENT 
TO  WHICH  THEY  PLEDGED  THEIR  LIVES    AND  FORTUNES 
IN  ITS  DARKEST  DAYS, 
AND  WHICH  THEY  NOAV  DETERMINE  TO  MAINTAIN 
AT  ALIi  HAZARDS, 

®hcis;e  iragcs  arc  \no^t  vt^\uttf\t\l\i  tledtratcd 

BY    THE    AUTHOR. 


550155 


rREFACE. 


The  preparation  of  the  Historical  Address  by  request  of 
the  State  Central  Committee,  has  been  so  hasty  that  there 
may  be  found  therein  many  errors  which  a  more  careful 
compilation  Avould  have  excluded.  In  the  absence  of  all 
aid  from  my  colleagues  of  the  Convention  of  1854,  which 
it  was  impossible  to  get  in  season  to  report  in  print  at  the 
Republican  State  Convention  on  tlie  16th  instant,  I  have 
done  the  best  I  could  to  get  together  some  of  the  leading 
facts  connected  with  the  first  organization,  in  such  form  as 
to  ijive  a  general  idea  of  its  character  and  effect  during  the 
first  few  years  of  its  existence.  I  have  felt  it  unwise  to 
cover  up,  or  leave  out,  some  of  the  real  facts  connected  with 
the  early  consolidation  of  tlie  party  which  have  ever  been 
obnoxious  to  some  of  our  best  supporters,  but  they  are 
nevertheless  facts.  The  first  and  sixth  resolutions  of  the 
September  Convention  cover  all  the  radical  ground  I  have 
herein  enlarged  upon.  I  am  alone  responsible  for  the  gen- 
eral sentiments  and  statements  made  in  my  Historical  Ad- 
dress, which  liave  not  heretofore  been  made  })ub]ic.  I  have 
avoided  names  as  much  as  possible,  in  discussing  general 
questions.     I  believe  the  Republican  party  is  the  party  o£ 


VI  I'ltKrACE, 

projiTi'ss.  ;m«l  >lu)iil(l  lie  ;il)l(>  to  coiiiliiiir,  with  pi'opcr  in;m- 
!i<;enicnl .  the  lUMJority  strciiLilli  of"  the  votors  (I'tlic  couiilry. 
Tlu'  (litrii'iiltics  iit  llic  (•(»iinii('rci:il  world  the  last  few  years 
have  uivcu  rise  to  (eiiiporary  dissensions  on  the  <|uestion 
dt"  Finant'e,  as  wcdl  as  Capital  and  Lalioi',  whieh,  it  is  hoped, 
may  bo  haiinonized  in  the  ininiediato  ("uture,  so  as  to  .socnrc 
the  gvvnt  objects  of  a  united  party,  and  its  intliience  in  the 
administration  that  is  to  follow.  The  tirst  meetin<^  called 
to  take  into  consideration  the  subject  of  celebrating  the 
twenty-tifih  anniversary  of  the  party,  was  held  at  We.slcyan 
Ilall,  Boston,  June  10,  1879.  At  that  meeting  a  eonmiittcc 
was  chosen,  of  which  Hon.  Roland  Worthington  was  chair- 
man, with  authority  to  confer  with  the  State  Central  Com- 
luittee  about  the  best  manner  to  notice  the  event,  with  full 
authority  to  take  such  measures  in  the  premises  as  they 
thought  best.  This  connnittec  thinking  it  l)est  to  defer  the 
celel)ralion  until  the  evening  Ix'fore  the  regular  Rei)ul)lican 
State  Convcnticui,  it  was  decided  to  do  so,  and  the  Hual  time 
was  set  for  Septeml)er  If),  187!),  at  Mechanics'  Hall,  Wor- 
cester, where  the  meeting  was  held  and  the  addresses  were 

made. 

STEPIH^:N  M.  ALLEN. 

1)1  xiu  Kv,  .Mass., 

Sej)t  ember,  1871). 


CALL  BY  THE  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CENTRAL 
COMMITTEE. 


TWENTY-FIFTH    ANNIVERSARY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY 
AN    ADDRESS    BY    THE    STATE    CENTRAL    COMMITTEE. 


Rooms  of  the  Republican  State  Central  Committee, 
Boston,  September  6,  1879. 

To  the  Republicans  of  Massachusetts : 

You  are  invited  to  assemble  in  mass  meeting  at  Mechanics 
Hall  in  Worcester  on  the  evening  of  Monday,  September  15, 
to  celebrate  the  twenty-iifth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  the 
Republican  party  ;  the  party  which  in  twenty-five  years  has 
abolished  slavery ;  has  subdued  a  gigantic  rebellion ;  has 
added  to  our  national  family  six  young  States  ;  has  enforced 
apology  and  reparation  from  Great  Britain  ;  has  compelled 
foreign  governments  to  abandon  the  doctrine  of  perpetual 
allegiance ;  has  preserved  the  public  ftiith  inviolate ;  has 
paid  seven  hundred  millions  of  public  debt ;  has  made  the 
national  currency  equal  in  value  to  gold  the  w  orld  over ;  has. 
re-established  and  assured  the  prosperity  of  labor,  commerce, 
agriculture  and  manufacture,  and  has  exhibited  for  a  genera- 
tion in  our  own  State,  a  model  of  wise,  honest,  humane  and 
economical  government. 

Let  us  revive  the  tender  and  glorious  memories  of  the 
past,  and  take  counsel  for  the  duties  and  triumphs  of  the 
future. 

Eloquent  speakers  will  be  i)resent. 

Per  order  of  the  Republican  .State  Connnittee. 

EBEN  F.   STONE,  Chairman. 
Edw.  II.  Haskell,  Secretanj. 


S     CM. I,  \\\    nil".  i;i:ri  hi.k  \\  siaik  cknii;  \i.  (ommiitkk. 


Tlu"  Stnto  ('fiiti;il  ( "•iiumitlrc  li;i\t'  rciiiicstcd  the  Iv(>|)iil)- 
lii-nns  (»r  ^^'^)^^cst^M•  :iiul  viiinilv  to  iiiaki'  Miniii^ciiients  I'or 
till'  cfli'lu-Mtion. 

We  M'-k  yon  to  lie  iirosciil,  Miid  to  uivc  your;ii(l  in  iiiiikiiii!; 
tilt'  ofc;i>-ioii  im|)l"t'ssi\t'  ;iiiil  siicccs^rdl. 


10.  li.  Stokdaui) 
(iixhm;f.  F.  Hoau 

W.    W.    Ix'lCK 

W.M.    S.    \\.    lIol'KINS 

floSElMl    II.    WaLKKR 

John  D.  Wasiiiu  ij\ 
TiioiviAs  J.  IIa.^iincs 
J.  Maik  IS  Kui: 

F.   T.   liLACKMKIl 

M.  V.  B.  Jefferson 
J.  EvAUTS  Greene 
T.  S.  Johnson 
F.  A.  Gaskill 
S.  K.  IIeywood 
f.  p.  goulding 
Fred.  AV.  Soutiiwick 
T.  C.  Bates 
A.  A.  Putnam 

11.  C.  IIai;t\vkll 
Chas.  K.  ^^'I^TI\ 
Euwai:j>  (i.  Stevens 
Wm.  Draper 
John  B.  Fairbanks 
Andrew  J.  Bartholomew 
Stephen  M.  Allen 


of  A\'oivestcr, 


of  North  Brookficld. 
of  T"xl)ri(l<if('. 
of  FJtclil)iirij;'. 
of  Xorthhridgc. 
of  Clinton, 
of  Milford. 
of  Ouklmni. 
of  Soutlibridge. 
of  l)uxl)Uiy. 


AVorccst(?r.  Sept.  10.  1879. 


TPIE  EEPUBLICAN  JUBILEE. 


JOYOUS  CELEBRATION  OF  THE  PARTY'S  RITHDAY  AT  WORCES- 
TER, SEPTEMBER  15,  1879  WORDS  OF  CHEER  AND  COUN- 
SEL FliOM  VETERAN  STATESMEN CORDIAL  RESPONSES  FROM 

THOSE  WHO  LISTENED  TO  THEM. 


[From  the  Press.] 

The  celebration  of  the  twenty-iifth  anniversary  of  the  for- 
mation of  the  Republican  party  occurred  this  evening  in 
Mechanics'  Hall,  and  it  was  in  every  way  a  complete  suc- 
cess. For  some  time  prior  to  the  commencement  of  the 
formal  exercises,  the  Worcester  Brass  Band  discoursed  lively 
airs  in  the  street  l)efore  the  hall,  and  inside  that  building 
Fred  Blake  was  giving  an  organ  concert  of  popular  music. 
The  people  came  crowding  in  at  the  spacious  entrance  in 
the  o-lare  of  red  and  green  tires  until  the  auditorium  was 
crowded  to  its  full  capacity.  Especially  noticeable  was  the 
number  of  ladies  in  the  balconies,  many  of  them  appearing 
in  elaborate  and  elegant  toilets. 

Just  before  half-past  seven,  the  hour  at  which  the  meet- 
ing had  been  called,  the  band  came  in  and  took  seats  in  the 
balcony,  near  the  organ,  which  was  glorious  in  its  drapery 
of  flags  and  bunting,  that  decoration  being  the  only  one  in 
the  hall.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Blake  had  completed  the  last 
waltz  of  his  medley,  the  band  commenced  a  march,  to  the 
music  of  whi(;h  Gen.  Banks,  Gen.  Burnside,  Hon.  George 
F.  Hoar,  Hon.  Marshall  Jewell,  Henry  K.  Oliver,  -Matthew 
Bolles,  Hon.  John  B.  Alley,  Congressmen  Eussell,  Claflin, 
Crapo  and  Robinson,  Hon.  Henry  L.  Dawes,  Hon.  Stephen 
M.  Allen,  and  several  scores  of  other  gentlemen,  came  in 


10  Tin:   i;i:rrm.KAN    nnii.Rr,. 

jind  t«^ok  so;it>  upon  the  phillorm  oi-  in  tli(>  jVont  rows  of 
thnirs  in  lln-  iiinlilorinm. 

Cols.  K.  15.  Stoddard  and  W.  S.  15.  Hopkins,  of  Worcr.s- 
trr,  liad  tlijirp'  of  (lie  fxciriscs. 

As  soon  :is  tli(\v  were  scaled,  ('ol.  Hopkins  called  llio 
nieotini::  to  order.  He  said  thai  twent y-tiv(^  years  airo  llic 
2(ttli  of  tluly,  a  eonvi-ntion  met  (»n  yonder  Connnon  ;  on  the 
7th  of  the  ne.xt  Septend)er  there  was  another  convention  in 
the  City  Hall.  From  them  was  horn  an  infant  that  has  lonix 
since  i^rown  t(»  man's  estate.  It  .achieved  its  lirst  triumph 
in  18i)5,  when  it  elected  a  Massachusetts  man  to  the  8j)caker*s 
chair  ;  two  years  later  it  chose  the  same  man  to  the  Govern- 
orship of  this  Commonwealth,  and  he  has  been  selected  as 
the  man  best  lilted  to  i)reside  liere  to-night.  Col.  Hopkins 
then  introduced  (rcn.  N.  P.  Banks  as  president  of  the  even- 
in^',  who  wa.s  received  with  cheer.s  and  applause. 

(xen.  Banks  made  a  brilliant  speech,  and  was  followed  by 
Hon.  George  S.  I5outwell,  who  was  enthusiastically  aj)- 
plauded.  Both  of  these  gentlemen  sej)arated  from  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  in  1850,  and  were  foremost  in  the  formation  of 
the  Kepublican'  party.  The  other  distinguished  speakers 
were  heailily  received,  and  their  speeches  enthusiastically 
api)lande<l. 


HISTORICAL  ADDRESS, 

By    Hon.    STEPHEN    M.     ALLEN, 

ON    TFIE    ORIGIN    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY    IN 
MASSACHUSETTS. 


A  QUARTER  of  a  century  ago,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  July, 
1854,  a  mass  convention  of  the  free  men  of  Massachusetts 
was  held  on  Worcester  Common.  It  Avas  a  large  meet- 
ing, spontaneous  in  fervor  and  spirit,  representing  citi- 
zens of  all  former  political  parties,  and  though  coinci- 
dent with,  was  in  its  origin  independent  of,  similar  out- 
bursts of  popular  feeling  in  many  other  Northern  States. 
But  one  sentiment  seemed  to  pervade  all  these  gather- 
ings at  the  North.  As  of  one  mind  mysteriously  moved, 
the  great  current  set  energetically  in  one  direction.  A  tidal 
wave  of  popular  will,  seemingly  inspired  by  Deity  itself, 
was  felt  approaching,  and  the  foundations  of  old  political 
parties  were  giving  away,  and  even  the  Union  itself  was 
felt  to  be  in  danger.  Never  but  once  before  in  the  history 
of  the  country  had  such  deep,  determined  feeling  pervaded 
the  masses,  or  the  foundations  of  our  civil  government 
seemed  so  insecure.  British  injustice,  arrogance  and  poli- 
tical crime  against  the  manhood  of  our  ftithers  had  indeed 
once  generated  just  such  a  spirit  iu  the  minds  and  hearts 
of  American  sulijects,  which  proved  an  unquenchable  fire, 
burning  through  the  yokes  of  civil  bondage  and  servitude, 
and  melting  and  tearing  off  the  i)olitical  shackles  which, 
once  loosed,  proclaimed  and  maintained  tlie  Republic.  One 
dark    spot   only  remained   to   cloud    the    social    horizon  of 


I-  oiMciN   »M'  nil.   i;i;i'riu.i(A\   i'\i;r^ 

till'  t»rst  L^t^^■<'l■lllll^llt  the  wdrM  (•\Tr  I<ii('\v  ;  ;i  l('ir;u\'  ofsin, 
a  stone  not  rcjcclcd  Itv  tli<'  lniildcrs,  tlioii'^li  cursed  of  (iod, 
nhlxuTt'd  hy  !iiiirt'ls  and  des[)ised  l»y  men.  This  eloiid  of 
stuial  and  political  wroiii;-,  aatlieriiiL:-  I'or  three  (jiiartcM's  of 
a  (^Mitiiry,  throuLrh  the  atrciicics  of  liiunan  scllishiu'ss,  was 
fast  overshadow  inir  the  whoh*  land.  'I"hc  clei'<j:y  of  tlio 
country,  tVoni  the  pulpit  that  should  he  licld  sacn-d,  Avhile 
j)ouriiii;"  out  anathemas  under  the  (h)cli'inc  of  original  sin 
in  thunder  tones,  and  with  almost  suli)hiiron.s  breath,  against 
all  who  dilfered  with  them  on  ridigious  dogmas,  would  too 
often  apologize  for  human  slavery  as  of  heavenly  birth, 
and  claim  that  its  extension  and  perpetuation  was  of  divine 
law,  to  which  the  political  economy  of  the  country  should 
become  subservient  and  submissive.  The  sagacity  of  po- 
litical parties  was  ever  on  the  alert  to  catch  up  this  spirit 
and  use  it  for  selfish  ends,  knowing  too  well  how  to 
adapt  it  to  their  ever-changing  needs  and  purposes.  Under 
this  darkening  cloud  the  sordid  moralist,  with  metaphysi- 
cal strain  unknown  to  logic,  would  sjjin  -tine  threads  from 
thin  air  as  a  woof  ibr  his  mantle  of  selHshness  to  hide  the 
sin  of  his  unnatural  lusts,  and  the  prostitution  of  innocence 
to  his  cainal  selHshness.  The  trathcker  in  human  flesh  and 
blood,  the  ma>ti'r  and  worker  of  bone  and  muscle,  often 
])orrowiiig  life  from  his  own  loins,  in  tlu;  de])th  of  his  greed, 
in  the  degradation  of  his  soul,  would  (jiiote  divine  revelation 
in  supjiort  of  his  right  to  buy  and  sell  his  own  flesh  and 
blood. 

The  domestic  hearth  was  tarnished  and  (h'filcd  with  human 
slavery  to  such  a  degree  that  moral  ()I)livion  seemed  innni- 
nont,  and  all  the  higher  inspirations  of  human  existence 
mu.st  become  subservient  to  the  growing  idea  of  the  perpetu- 
ation of  that  institution  under  the  law.  If  such  wx^re  the 
feedings  of  those  ])ersonally  charged  with  the  care  of  individ- 
ual life,  with  the  nurture  of  the  soul,  the  development  of  the 


IN    MASSACHUSETTS. 


13 


mind  and  the  use  and  protection  of  the  body  of  the  bondman, 
what  would  be  that  of  the  politician,  who  too  often  under  the 
absorbing  selfishness  of  unholy  ambition  would  shirk  all  per- 
sonal responsibility,  and  seek  to  make  the  legal  traffic  of 
human  life  a  means  of  political  preferment.  The  moral  atmos- 
phere on  this  subject,  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  had  Ijecome  sadly  imbued  with  the  influences 
of  the  sin  and  shame  of  negro  slavery.  The  normal  status  of 
the  two  great  national  parties,  w^hich  had  for  such  length  of 
time  been  dominant  as  political  organizations,  had  follen 
below  their  orio-inal  standard,  or  one  that  could  long  hold 
and  govern  any  free  and  intelligent  people.  Neither  had 
accomplished  the  object  of  their  mission,  but  had  long 
since  lost  their  practical  bearing  and  influence,  and  were 
floundering  about  in  search  of  new  fuel  to  replenish  in- 
ternecine fires  of  expediency,  and  warm  their  decaying 
powers  into  new  life.  Both  the  Democratic  and  Whig 
parties  had  been  misnamed  from  the  first,  and  like  their 
predecessors,  often  got  credit  for  virtues  they  did  not  pos- 
sess, while  each  was  reviled  for  acts  chargeable  to  the 
other.  The  Democratic  party,  though  possessing  the  popu- 
lar name  adapted  to  the  protection  of  a  whole  people,  had, 
through  the  influence  of  slavery,  become  really  an  autocracy, 
or  negative  oligarchy.  The  Whig  party,  for  years  the  party 
of  progress,  to  which  the  nation  owed  more  for  its  thrift  and 
l)rosperity  than  all  others,  had  sunk  under  a  load  that  no 
party  could  long  carry  in  a  thriving  Republic.  A  commer- 
cial patrician  Imdershiji  and  a  blind  sulxscrviency  to  mere 
expedience/  carried  it  down.  It  forever  lost  its  life-giving 
force,  its  practical  control  over  the  hearts  and  intelligeuce  of 
the  mass  of  the  people,  when  It  compromised  its  highest  ideal, 
its  best  claim  to  true  Democracy,  by  yielding  the  type  of 
its  management  to  the  selfishness  of  the  few,  at  the  expense 
of  and   to  the  injury  .of  the  many.     Under  the  pretext  of 


14  nlMCIN    n|      iin;    IM.IT  lU.Ic  AN    r\i;iv 

ctnphn'mi:'  ■•iinl  iVcdiim-  llic  iumsscs.  it  pMiidcrcd  lo  (ho  noods 
aiitl  diMuniKN  t<{'  i\  lii'nspiiiijf  i-tMilr.il  (•(imiiiciti;d  syslcm,  which 
wouhl  soon  have  ahsorlu'd  and  coiit rolled  the  use  of  the 
whole  money  resources  ol'  the  country,  adverse  to  tiic  inter- 
ests of  its  indisiiensahle  laltor  capital.  'I'he  old  Democratic 
party,  as  a  political  oriiani/.ation.  would  have  died  with  the 
^^'hii.'•  party,  I)ut  iVom  itsfat'al  hold  of  the  one  idea  its  leadin*^ 
Southern  nienilteiv  had  ever  nourished  and  .sustained,  in  the 
form  of  "  pi'otection  and  extension  of  human  shivery."  The 
death  of  tjie  (dd  Fi-deral  i)arty  fiuiiished  it  a  name  which,  by 
its  action  then,  and  for  half  a  century  afterwards,  did  not 
lK'lon<r  to  it.  Hut  little  could  really  distinguish  it  as  a  party 
of  princii)le  for  the  first  quarter  of  a  century.  War  and  do- 
mestic wranglinpf  occupied  its  time  and  used  up  its  strength. 
It  couhl  make  no  chiim  to  the  instigation  or  creation  of  the 
brilliant  prosperity  of  the  country  which  followed.  The 
Whig  i)arty  then  came  into  existence,  which  took  much  of  its 
practical  strength,  and  some  of  its  most  brilliant  devotees 
were  from  the  Democratic  ranks.  Free  lal)or  was  then 
becoming  antagonized  b}^  slavery,  and  not  even  the  great 
preponderance  of  the  North  in  growing  population  could 
induce  tlu;  Democratic  party,  as  an  organization,  to  let 
slaverv  die  out  and  strangle  itself  in  its  own  stronjr- 
hold.  Andrew  Jackson  for  a  time  stifled  secession  and  nul- 
lification ))y  his  daring,  patriotism  and  iron  will.  James 
Buchanan,  with  the  name  pos.<iession,  might  have  done  the 
same  thing,  but  it  was  not  in  or  of  him,  and  the  official 
action  of  the  imbecile  old  man  was  a  true  epitome  of  the 
moral  status  of  his  party  at  that  time,  wdiich  turned  thous- 
ands from  its  ranks  into  the  Free  Soil  party.  The  teachings 
and  examples  of  ' 


IN    MASSACHUSETTS.  15 

WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS,  AS  WELL  AS  OF 
JEFFERSON  AND  MADISON, 
In  the  first  years  of  the  government,  were  not  practical 
to  its  future  growth,  in  some  respects,  though  to  some 
extent  they  had  been  observed  ])y  the  two  great  parties 
which  followed.  As  a  representative  force  in  any  new 
government,  extremes  have  proved  unwise ;  ostentative 
show  or  plebeian  affectation  should  be  avoided.  The  last 
half-century  has  proved  that,  in  many  respects,  the  leaders 
of  opposing  parties  in  the  early  government  were  both 
wrong  in  their  incipient  teachings,  while  the  wisdom 
of  their  doings,  in  other  respects,  was  not  always  copied  by 
either  the  Whig  or  Democratic  parties  which  succeeded 
them.  The  regal  example  of  Washington  and  Adams,  in 
matters  of  State  and  Court,  was  not,  as  has  been  proved, 
a  practical  method  of  assimilating  republican  principles 
and  character  to  the  highest  human  progress.  Neither  were 
the  opposite  extremes,  shown  in  the  policy  of  their  imme- 
diate successors,  better  guides  to  the  true  needs  of  a  young, 
free  people.  Washington's  stateliness  of  exterior  shown  at 
his  inauguration,  and  on  state  occasions,  has  not  been  con- 
tinued as  a  necessary  force  in  the  maintenance  of  govern- 
ment. On  the  other  hand,  the  backAvoods  style  of  Jeflerson's 
ride  to  the  capitol  on  horsel)ack,  hitching  'his  Arabian  steed 
to  a  tree  durino;  the  inauoural  service,  did  not  add  to  the 
dignity  of  the  Democratic  President,  or  the  government  he 
was  called  to  represent,  cither  in  the  minds  of  his  own 
or  the  opposing  party,  or  of  foreign  states  looking  down 
upon  the  new-fledged  nation.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  that 
Ave  have  improved  much  upon  the  early  system  of  both 
parties. 


ninc.iN   OF  Till.   i;i:iMMr,i('AN   iwirrv 


riii:  iiAiji)  MONKV  (>ri:s'ri()X. 

For  iustaiico.  was  o:UTi('(l  to  tli(>  (^xlrcinc,  when  but  litllu 
spi'i'io  cxistt'tl  in  llic  whole  coimtrv.  Tlic  cnMlit  w^'stoni, 
l)otli  of  jroviTiiiuriit  iind  individuals,  was  ivslrictcd  when 
tlu'  people  were  pt^orcsl,  and  had  the  least  means  for  rcspect- 
l)Ie  linaiu-ial  dcvi-iopuKMit.  Free  trade  was  preaehed  from  a 
politieal  text  when  there  was  no  possible  way  of  developing 
the  manufaetm-ing  indiistric^s  of  the  country,  except  by  a 
restrictive  taritf.  Piildic  or  internal  improvements  were 
dcnii'd  as  political  measures,  when  there  was  no  other  pos- 
sible way  of  opening  the  great  channels  of  commerce.  The 
doctrine  of  State  rights  was  propagated  at  an  improper  time, 
whiK'  under  the  jiresent  Constitution  a  much  more  plausible 
color  e(tuld  I)e  given  them,  than  under  the  old. 
The  jrreat  clianffes  in  the 

MEANS  OF  LIVIXG  FOR  THE  MASSES 

From  182.')  to  that  of  1850,  the  growth  of  population  and 
wealth,  the  accelerated  invention  of  communication  from 
one  part  of  the  country  to  the  other,  the  ditferences  of  neces- 
sary expenditure,  both  of  the  government  and  individuals,  as 
well  as  improvements  in  labor-saving  machincr}^,  which  dur- 
ing that  time,  as  in  operative  force,  was  equal  to  more  than 
the  a<bdl  male  population  of  the  \vhole  glol)C,  opened  the 
wav  for  legitimate  political  chano:es  of  the  greatest  ma<i:ni- 
tude.  This  condition  of  things,  not  wholly  applicable  to  the 
United  States,,  had  not  only  been  a  subject  of  deep  study  to 
the  politieal  economists  of  our  own  Republic,  but  that  of 
civilized  Europe.  F^mperors,  kings  and  nol)les  were  study- 
ing out  the  problem  of  a  new  government,  which,  though 
called   a   Republic,   bore  but  little  resemblance  to  any  yet 


IN    MASSACHUSETTS.  17 

known  to  history,  and  which  appeared  to  conflict  with  all 
the  monarchies  and  aristocracies  of  the  old  world. 

The  original  statesmen  of  our  country  had  nearly  all 
passed  away,  and  we  were  drifting  fast  into  a  new  order  of 
things,  genei'ally  designated  as  "Young  America."  The 
most  fearful  of  pressing  discussions  in  Congress  was  upon 
the  slavery  question,  and  these  looked  daily  more  and  more 
difficult  to  regulate  or  control.  The  "Wilmot  Proviso" 
became  a  familiar  phrase  in  every  household  from  Maine  to 
Georgia.  The  "  Shadrach  "  rescue  in  Boston  under  the  lead 
of  Lewis  Hay  den  and  his  associates,  gave  rise  to  a  determined 
resistance  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  At  the  Presidential 
contest  of  1852,  the  Democrats  had  a  popular  plurality  of 
202,000,  and  a  clear  majority  of  near  50,000.  They  carried 
27  out  of  31  States,  and  had  254  electoral  votes  out  of  206, 
and  had  a  majority  in  the  United  States  Senate  of  14, 
and  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  84.  Webster  and 
Clay  had  l)oth  passed  away,  and  the  Free  Soil  party  polled 
only  157,000  votes  in  the  country,  and  had  only  two 
members  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  four  in  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives.  Mr.  Clay  had  died  without  expecta- 
tion of  being  a  candidate  at  this  election,  but  Mr.  AVebster, 
then  Secretary  of  State  under  Fillmore's  administration, 
was  led  to  expect  the  nomination  of  the  Whig  party,  but 
was  disappointed,  and  died  l>efore  the  election,  that  year,  of 
Franklin  Pierce.     Even  the 

FREE-SOIL  DEMOCRATS 

Had  great  hopes  that  Mr.  Pierce's  administration  would, 
in  some  way,  open  the  clouds  that  were  hovering  over  the 
whole  country,  on  the  slave  (juestion,  and  let  in  some  light 
for  future  hope  of  emancipation,  and  thus  unite  and  keep  the 
Democratic  party  together  in  one  body.  It  was  the  turning- 
point,  and  subsequent  action  only  riveted  the  chains  of  the 


18  ("vnioiN  OF  TU}:  Ki:rrni.ir\N   party 

<«:iplivo  t'lLrlit^'V,  .'ind  slivniilliriUMl  llu-  ^tMitimciit  of  llio  Xorlh 
;iir:iiM->t  MiiN-  lurlluT  extension  of  .sl;i\iT\ .  At  (lie  first  session 
of  the  thirly-tliinl  Conixress,  in  Deconiher,  l.S^.'i,  the  ball  of 
secession  eonlliet  was  opened  by  Senator  Dodge,  of  Iowa, 
who  submitted  the  Nebraska  ])ill  for  organizing  the  Territory 
lying  west  of  .Missouri  and  Iowa.  This  was  lirst  reported 
by  Senator  Doughiss,  witliout  interfering  with  the  Missouri 
Compromise  of  1820,  prohibiting  shivery  in  that  Territory. 
The  bill  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  South,  and  was  rccom- 
mitleil  and  ag;iin  reported,  creating  the  two  Territories  of 
Kansas  and  Xebraska,  but  leaving  the  slavery  question  to 
be  settled  by  the  people  of  the  States  when  organized,  though 
cnforeinir  the  Kuo-itivc  Slave  Law.  This  bill  passed  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  37  to  14,  and  in  the  House  113  to  100. 
Tiic  Xortli  looked  upon  this  measure  as  a  violation  of  the 
compromise  measures  of  1820,  and  a  determination  to  foist 
slavery  upon  all  the  Territories  of  the  country.  This  viola- 
tion of  Congressional  faith  roused  the  whole  country,  and 
])recipitated  measures  that  otherwise  could  not  have  been 
carried  by  the  X'^orth,  for  the  restriction  of  slavery. 

Early  in  the  year  1854,  an  address  was  issued  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  by  Senators  Salmon  P.  Chase  and  Charles 
Sunmcr,  and  Representatives  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Edward 
Wade,  Gerrit  Smith  and  Alexander  DeWitt,  arraigning 
the  Kansas-X\ibraska  bill  "as  a  gross  violation  of  a  sacred 
pledge  ;  as  a,  criminal  betrayal  of  precious  rights  ;  as  a  part 
and  parcel  of  an  atrocious  plot  to  exclude,  from  a  vast  un- 
occupied region,  immigrants  from  the  old  world,  and  free 
laborers  from  our  own  States,  and  convert  it  to  a  dreary 
region  of  despotism,  inhal)itcd  l)y  masters  and  slaves."  The 
various  pleas  on  which  the  bill  was  advocated  were  examined, 
and  their  false  and  fallacious  character  shown,  and  a  ringing 
aj)pcal    mad(^  to  the   anti-slavery   sentiment  of  the   Xorth. 


IX    MASSACHUSETTS.  19 

This  address  was  circulated  in  the  States,  and  added  to  the 
intensity  offieeling  on  the  part  of 

THE  FREE-SOIL  ELEMENT. 

Previous  to  1848  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  as 
National  organizations,  had  had  their  own  way.  The  Xative 
American  party,  though  professedly  of  one  idea,  contained 
a  great  many  strong  anti-slavery  members,  while  the  Free 
Soil  party  numbered  many  who  believed  in  the  principles  of 
the  former.  In  the  Presidential  contest  of  1848,  they  both, 
to  some  considerable  extent,  united,  resulting  in  the  defeat 
of  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President,  and  in  the  elec- 
tion of  Gen.  Taylor,  the  candidate  of  the  Whig  party.  To 
some  extent  the  same  elements  again  united  in  a  coalition  in 
Massachusetts  in  the  autumn  of  1850,  and  defeated  the  Whigs 
in  their  attempt  to  elect  State  officers,  which  went  over  to 
the  Legislature  of  1851.  This  body,  in  its  organization,  was 
carried  in  favor  of  the  Coalitionists  against  the  Whigs,  Avho, 
though  numbering  about  the  same  as  the  Coalition  proper, 
were  controlled  by  twenty-three  Hunker  Democrats,  who 
held  the  balance  of  power. 

The  Governor,  George  S.  Boutwell,  the  Speaker,  N.  P. 
Banks,  and  some  other  officers,  were  reserved  to  the  Demo- 
crats, while  the  President  of  the  Senate,  Henry  Wilson,  and 
United  States  Senator  were  given  to  the  Free  Soilers.  Over 
the  election  of  the  latter,  at  a  later  period  of  the  session,  there 
was  a  great  contest,  finally  culminating  in  favor  of  the  Free 
Soilers. l)y  the  election  of  Charles  Sumner  for  six  years. 
The  compromise  vieasures  of  1850-1853,  and  the  steady 
encroachments  of  the  slave  power,  tended  to  unite  more 
firmly  the  elements  which  ran  together  finally  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  licpuljlican  party.  The  election  of  a  Democratic 
President,  Franklin  Pierce,  in  1852,  seemed  to  destroy  the 


I'O  oKidiN   <n     rill;   Ki'.ri  iu.kan    rAiiiv 

fiiturr  liopf>  of  tlu"  ^^  lii;^"  |>;irlv  in  llic  \\'('sl  jiiul  South,  luil 
tl«'li'nniiu'«l  ri'slstniuf  \\;is  dcclMrcil  in  cvtTy  foi'in  ;iii;;iiiist  the 
l*n>-slnvfrv  DcnuK-rMcy  l»y  (lie  Vvcv  DriiiotTJU'V.  The  No- 
hniskn  Mild  IvMiisMs  cxcittiiicnl .  .'iiid  the  iH'iidilioii  of"  Burns  (o 
shivery  Iroiu  Boston  in  (he  spi'inu'  of  iSa-t,  spread  r.'ipidly 
ihrouulit'iit  the  I'nion,  :ind  roused  the  AinericMU  heart  to  th(^ 
hiirhi'st  pitch  of  eutluisiasiu.  The  National  Anieiiean  parly, 
fspeeially  in  th(>  Xorth,  eontained  more  than  a  majority  of 
nnti-shivery  nieinhers,  but  whieh  (then  being  a  secret  society 
throughout  the  ruion)  did  not  hohl  their  meetings  openly. 
A  great  number  of  Free  Soilers,  Americans.  Whigs,  and 
thousands  of  Democrats,  were  perfectly  united  in  the  feeling 
and  determination  that  a  new  National  party  should  be 
formecl  which  should  be  vital  to  the  practical  issues  of  the 
day. 

This  feeling  was  not  local,  but  spread  through  the  whole 
counti'v,  and  was  confined  to  no  particular  class  of  persons. 
The  Democracy  of  all  the  Xorthern  States  furnished  their 
full  (piota  of  recruits  to  the  new  party.  Generally,  when 
acting  separately,  they  called  themselves  Free  Democrats. 
^Michigan  was  first  in  the  field  for  holding  a  convention  of 
the  i)eo})le,  and  giving  name  to  the  Kepublican  party, 
which  took  place  at  Jackson,  July  (I,  1854.  AYisconsin 
held  her  first  convention  Jul^^  13,  1854,  and  Verniont, 
Ohio  and  Indiana  held  similar  ones  the  same  day.  Mas- 
sachusetts ludd  hers  on  the  20th  of  July,  1854,  and  Xcw 
York  the  r.ilh  of  October.  All  these  States,  at  their  con- 
ventions, took  the  name  of  the '' Republican  party."  The 
Worcestf)'  Convention  met  under  these  circiunstances,  not 
the  earliest  in  the  field  by  a  few  days,  but  in  interest  and 
precedent  of  pndiminary  action  among  the  most  earnest  and 
devoted  ])ioneers  for  freedom.  \o  State  has  shown  a  deeper 
or  more  intense  interest  in  the  emancipation  of  the  slave 
tiian   Massachusetts.     Tiie   Governor   of   1851,    George   S. 


IN    MASSACHUSETTS.  21 

Boiitwell,  and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  that  year,  Nathaniel 
P.  Banks,  both  from  the  Democratic  party,  have  ever  been 
among  the  prominent  in  carrying  out  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party  from  that  date. 

Among  the  active  members  of  the  first  Republican  Con- 
vention in  Massachusetts,  were  the  names  of  some  of  the 
most  learned  and  honored  sons  of  the  Bay  State,  who  had 
been  life-long  friends  of  emancipation  at  any  cost.  There 
were  also  many  whose  only  dilficulty  in  disposing  of  the 
question  Avas  the  construction  of  the  Constitution,  which 
they  religiously  were  ])ound  to  respect.  The  subsequent  war 
and  martial  law  modified  this  for  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
which  otherwise  could  not  have  been  accomplished. 

#  « 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  CONVEN- 
TION, JULY  20,   18o4. 

The  preliminary  organization,  first  attempted  in  a  hall,  was 
adjourned  to  the  pu])lic  park,  for  want  of  sufficient  room, 
and  was  as  follows :  H.  W.  Taft,  President,  and  W.  H. 
Harris  and  Thomas  Drew,  Secretaries. 

PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION. 

The  meeting  was  formally  organized  by  the  choice  of 
Judge  Oliver  B.  Morris,  an  old  Democrat  of  Springfield,  as 
President,  and  the  following  ten  Vice-Presidents  :  Joseph 
Brownell,  of  New  Bedford  ;  A.  M.  Withington,  of  Bridge- 
water  ;  Stephen  M.  Allen,  of  West  Roxbury  ;  Wm.  Brigham, 
of  Boston;  W.  O.  Haskell,  of  Chelsea;  Robert  Rantoul,  of 
Beverly;  Eli  P.  Mclntire,  of  Charlestovvn ;  W.  Fish,  of 
Lowell ;  Adam  Harrington,  of  Shrews])ury  ;  Wm.  Clark,  of 
Northampton,  and  Increase  Sumner,  of  Great  Barrington. 
The  Secretaries  were,  John  1.  Baker,  of  Beverly ;  J.  G. 
Fuller,  of  Charlestown  ;  F.  H.  Underwood,  of  Caml)ridge, 
and  Augustus  Morse,  of  Leominster. 


22  <»i;it;iN   or    iiii.   i.t.pi  iu.man    i'auty 

(•i>MMI  riKK  <>\    KKSOT.iriONS. 

\\:iltrr  L:iirc»T,  of  rin-licM:  S.lli  WCI.I),  of  DtMlh.im; 
P.  I'..  AMricli.  ol"  ^\'(l^t•l■s((■^  ;  luilurl  ('miIci-,  oI'  Dcclli.iiu: 
1'.  N\'.  r.-ill,  til'  \\()irc»lcr  ;  Milclull  II(i(i|)c!-  .mikI  Linus  !>. 
( '<iiiiiM>.  t>r  li(t\l>iiry. 

Jijilir»>  M(»n"is  i^rcsidcd  ;it  llic  cMi'ly  p.-irt  ol"  llic  iiu'ctiiin, 
:m.l  Stephen  M .  Allen  the  rest  of  the  (l;iy.  Hon.  Ilenrv 
\Vil>on,  in  tlu'  e:irly  pari  oi'tho  session,  oH'e red  the  followiiiij^ 
KosohitioM,  wiiieh  \v;is  passed  unaniiiioiisly,  and  Avas  siibso- 
(|uen(ly  emhodied  in  the  ^^oneral  Resohilions  :  — 

li(s<,Jr(il .  That  in  eo-ojxTation  with  the  iVicnds  of  Froc- 
(h)ni  in  other  States,  we  hereby  I'orni  the  Republican  party 
of  .Massaehuselts.  « 

Many  di>tiii::tiishe(l  speakers  were  ]>resent  and  addressed 
the  Convention,  anionic- whom  were  lion.  Ilem-y  ^^'ilson,  1m1- 
ward  Beeeher,  llev.  John  Pier])ont,  Theodore  Parker, .John 
\j.  Keyes,  and  many  others,  who  made  spirited  addresses. 
Mr.  AN'ilson  particularly  explained  that  the  formation  of  the 
new  ))arty  was  strictly  upon  Jeti'ersonian  })rinciples,  which 
were  more  applicable  to  that  time,  in  many  respects,  than 
when  they  were  first  declared  by  the  author  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence. 

The  Committee  reported  the  following  resolutions,  which 
were  passe<l  unanimously  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  uiKjuestionable  existence  of  a  set- 
tled j)urpose,  on  the  i)art  of  the  Slave  power,  to  convert  the 
Ivepulilie  which  our  fathers  founded  on  principles  of  justice; 
and  liberty,  into  a  sla\  <liol(lini:-  (1es[)otism,  whose  vital  and 
animating  sjjirit  shall  be  the  preservation, .propagation  and 
perpetuation  of  slavery,  calls  for  the  innnediate  union  of  all 
true  men  into  a  |)arty  which  shall  make  the  question  of 
Freedom  paramount  to  all  other  political  questions. 


IN    JMASSACHUSETTS.  23 

liesoJrcd,  That  in  co-operation  with  the  friends  of  Freedom 
in  other  States,  we  hereby  form  ourselves  into  tlie  Republi- 
can Party  of  INIassachusctts,  pledged  to  the  accomplishment 
of  the  following  purposes  :  — 

To  bring  the  administration  of  the  General  Government 
l)ack  to  its  original  principles  of  liberty. 

To  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

To  restore  the  prohibition  of  Slavery  in  Kansas  and 
Nebraska. 

To  prohibit  Slavery  in  all  the  Territories. 

To  resist  the  acquisition  of  any  more  territory,  unless 
Slavery  therein  shall  ])e  prohibited. 

To  refuse  admission  into  the  Union,  of  any  more  Slave 
States. 

To  abolish  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

To  protect  the  constitutional  rights  of  all  citizens  going  to 
other  States. 

Resolved,  That  Massachusetts  has  the  constitutional  right, 
and  it  is  her  imperative  duty,  to  enact  laws  which  shall  pro- 
tect the  personal  freedom  of  all  her  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  the  assembling,  at  some 
central  and  convenient  place,  of  a  National  Convention,  with 
a  view  to  the  adoption  of  effectual  measures  to  resist  the 
encroachments  of  the  Slave  power. 

Resolved,  That  the  Convention  invites  the  Republicans  of 
every  town  and  city  in  the  Commonwealth  to  send  delegates, 
to  the  number  of  three  times  their  representation  in  the 
General  Court,  to  a  State  Convention  to  l)e  held  at  Worces- 
ter, on  Thursday,  the  7th  of  September,  1854,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  nominating  candidates  for  State  officers,  and  form- 
ing a  platform  of  State  policy. 

Committees  for  perpetuating  the  organization  of  the  new 


i-i  ni;n;T\  or  thk   wr.priu.Fcw   p\i;x^ 

|»;n"tv  wt'n>  cIioscmk  iiflt  r  which  the  ( \)n\  ciition  adjoiinuMl  lo 
luei't  .ULMiii  ill  Si>|)ti'inl>»T. 

SECOND   K'i:rrHLICAN   CONVKNTIOX    OF 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

Thr  State  ( 'on\(Mit ion,  .■UHordiiiir  to  previous  notice  hy 
the  coininittee  apixiiiited  at  the  tiisl  ( 'onvent ion  in  -Tuly,  met 
at  Worcester,  September  7,  IS,')!,  in  the  City  Hall.  There 
was  a  lartre  attendance.  John  A.  Andrew,  of  IIin<j^Iiam, 
caHed  the  meeting  to  order,  and  was  ajjpointed  Chairman, 
and  \\  .  II.  Harris  and  .1.  W.  Denney,  Secretaries  pro  tern. 
I\ol)crl  IJantoul,  of  Beverly,  was  chosen  President,  and 
George  R.  Kns.sell,  AVarren  Lovering,  Adam  Harrington, 
A.  Churchill,  I).  F.  Hooper,  B.  AV.  Gage,  Samnel  Hopkins, 
Thomas  Lovering,  Albert  Currier,  F.  Wilkins,  R.  Sturte- 
vant,  R.  P.  Wales,  AV.  Washburn,  C.  Beck,  B.  S.  Sisson, 
I.  Shea,  Aug.  Moore,  L.  Reed  and  J.  A.  Andrew,  Vice- 
Presidents.  Secretaries  :  J.  W.  Denney,  AV.  H.  Harris,  G. 
AA'.  Stace}',  C.  R.  Ladd  and  AV.  H.  DcCosta.  The  meeting 
was  quite  yn  enthusiastic  one,  and  Charles  Sumner  spoke 
over  an  hour.  Many  others  spoke  at  length,  among  whom 
was  the  Rev.  John  Pierpont.  The  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions reported  the  following  :  — 

1.  /j'^'.so/vc-^/,  TJiat  the  lve[)uldi(an  party  is  })re-eminently 
the  party  of  the  I'nion  and  th«^  Constitution,  of  law  and  of- 
ordi-i-.  ;ii'.il  may  justly  claim  to  be  the  true  National  and 
Democratic  party,  because  it  is  opposed  in  its  principles 
.sentiments  and  aims  to  sectionalism,  secession  and  disunion, 
is  ofjually  desirous  of  the  welfare  of  every  part  of  the  coun- 
try, and  disregarding  the  aristocratic,  hereditar}'  distinction 
of  birth  and  color,  and  maintains  the  right  of  all  men  to 
freedom  and  ecjuality  before  the  kiw. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the   Republicans  of  Massachusetts,  in 


IX    MASSACnrSETTS.  25 

co-operation  with  the  friends  of  freedom  in  other  States, 
are  pledged  to  make  the  question  of  freedom  paramomit  to 
all  other  political  questions,  and  to  labor  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  following  purposes  :  — 

To  bring  the  administration  of  the  General  Government 
back  to  the  national  principle  of  liberty. 

To  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  bill. 

To  restore  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska. 

To  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  Territories. 

To  resist  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  or  any  other  Territory, 
unless  slavery  therein  shall  be  prohibited. 

To  refuse  the  admission  into  the  Union  of  any  more  Slave 
States. 

To  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columlna. 

To  protect  the  constitutional  rights  of  citizens  going  to 
other  States,  and  to  sustain  all  other  constitutional  measures 
of  opposition  to  slaver3^ 

3.  Ref^olved,  That  Massachusetts  has  the  constitutional 
right,  and  it  is  her  imperative  duty,  to  enact  laws  which  shall 
protect  the  liberty  of  her  citizens,  by  securing  to  them  the 
right  of  haheas  corpus  and  the  trial  by  jury  in  all  cases  in- 
volving the  question  of  personal  freedom,  and  which  shall 
effectually  retain  and  pnnish  the  atrocious  crime  of  kidnap- 
ping free  men  into  slavery. 

4.  Resolved,  That  the  recent  prostitution  of  the  Municipal 
Government  of  Boston  to  the  service  of  slavery,  and  the 
temporary  establishment  of  a  military  rule  in  the  streets  of 
that  city,  in  violation  of  the  laws  and  of  private  right, 
under  the  immediate  eye  of  the  Governor  and  Commander 
in  Chief  of  the  militia  of  the  Commonwealth,  deserves  the 
sternest  relnike  of  the  people,  and  calls  for  prompt  action  on 
the  i)art  of  the  Legislature. 


2()  ORTOTN  or  Tnr,  ni'.rfnT.Trw  PAnTV. 

f».  liPfioIrrd,  'riint  the  tMlort  lo  preserve  freedom  in  K:in- 
sMs  mill  Neln'a.ska,  hy  soWWw^  lh(>s(»  'I'erritories  with  free 
men,  elaims  and  rocoivos  our  wannest  synipalliy  and  most 
henrty  eo-oporation. 

(».  Resolved,  That  the  prohibition,  hy  law,  of  the  sale  of 
intoxicating:  liquors  as  a  beverage,  is  the  right  and  duty  of 
the  i)eoi)ie. 

A  State  Central  Committee  was  a})pointed,  consisting  of 
the  following  names  :  — 

Charles  G.  Davis,  J.  A.  Andrew,  J.  G.  Fuller,  W. 
Clark,  Estes  Howe,  Mitchell  Hooper,  J.  T.  Ikker,  II.  K. 
AVetherell,  E.  B.  Sisson,  G.  White,  J.  II.  Graves,  A.  Plar- 
rington,  W.  Levering,  P.  ^V.  Taft,  N.  Hinckley,  A.  ]\Ic- 
Phail,  J.  Hranning,  AV.  M.  Walker,  A.  Jossclyn,  Robert 
Carter. 

Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  of  Natick,  was  nominated  for  Gov- 
ernor, and  Hon.  Increase  Sumner,  of  Great  Barrington,  for 
Lieutenant-Governor ;  but  the  other  State  officers  Averc  left 
to  l)e  nominated  at  subsequent  meetings.  The  Convention 
adjourned,  after  a  harmonious  session. 

THE  PROCEEDINGS  IX  OTHER  STATES, 

For  the  organization  of  the  Repul)lican  party,  wore  no  less 
interesting  than  in  ]Massachu setts.  The  late  Henry  Wilson 
HRVH  truly,  in  his  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in 
America  : "  — 

"But  whatever  suggestions  may  have  been  made,  or  what- 
ever action  may  have  been  taken  elsewhere,  to  Michigan 
belongs  the  honor  of  being  the  tirst  State  to  form  and  christen 
the  Republican  party.  More  than  three  months  before  the 
passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  the  Free  Soil  Convention 
had  !id()})led  a  mixe<l  ticket,  made  up  from  the  Free  Soilers 


PROCEEDINGS   IN   OTHER    STATES.  27 

and  AVhigs,  in  order  that  there  might  l)e  a  combination  of  the 
anti-slavery  elements  of  the  State.  Immediately  upon  the 
passage  of  the  Nebraska  l)ill,  Joseph  Warren,  editor  of  the 
'Detroit  Tribune,' entered  upon  a  course  of  measures  that 
resulted  in  bringing  the  Whig  and  Free  Soil  parties  together, 
not  b}'^  a  mere  coalition  of  the  two,  but  by  a  fusion  of  the 
elements  of  which  the  two  were  composed.  In  his  own  lan- 
guage he  '  took  ground  in  favor  of  disbanding  the  Whig  and 
Free  Soil  parties,  and  of  the  organization  of  a  new  part}^ 
composed  of  all  the  opponents  of  slavery  extension.'  Among 
the  first  steps  taken  toward  the  accomplishment  of  this 
vitally  important  object  was  the  withdrawal  of  the  Free  Soil 
ticket.  This  having  been  effected,  a  call  for  a  mass  Conven- 
tion was  issued,  signed  by  more  than  10,000  names.  The 
Convention  met  on  the  sixth  day  of  July,  and  was  largely 
attended. 

"A  platform,  drawn  by  the  Hon.  Jacob  ]M.  Howard,  after- 
ward United  States  Senator  from  ]\Iichigan,  was  adopted, 
not  only  opposing  the  extension  of  slavery,  but  declaring  in 
favor  of  its  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  re- 
port also  proposed  'Republican'  as  the  name  of  the  new 
party,  which  was  adopted  hy  the  Convention.  Kinsley  S. 
Bingham  was  nominated  by  the  Convention  as  the  '  Repu1)li- 
can '  candidate  for  Governor,  and  was  triumphantlj''  elected, 
and  Michigan,  thus  earl}^  to  enter  the  ranks  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  has  remained  steadfast  ta  its  then  publicly  avowed 
principles  of  faith." 

The  "Detroit  Post  and  Tribune"  of  July  6,  1879,  in  its 
address  to  the  people  of  ]Michigan  upon  the  twenty-fifth 
anniversary  of  the  Republican  party,  which  Ave  quote  fully, 
recognized  the  action  of  the  "  Free  Democracy  "  of  that  clay, 
which  not  only  in  that  State,  l>ut  nearly  all  the  Northern 
States,  especially  including  Massachusetts,  became  active  and 
efficient  leaders  in  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party  :  — 


-f^  onroTx  OF  the  i;Krrnr,r(\vN  r.vnTY, 

I'm-:  STATK  (•()X\KNTION  OFTIIK   FRKK  DEMOCRACY 
OF  IMICIIICAN, 

Hold  ;it  .I;u-lvs()n,  bVhniiirv  '2'2,  LS,")4,  w.-is  early  in  tlu>  (u'ld, 
and  jmsscd  llic  followinii'  n'soliilions  :  — 

The  Free  Dcniocracy  of  Miiliii^aii,  Msseinhloil  in  conven- 
tion on  tlif  nnnivcrsaiy  of  the  hii-thday  of  Washington,  doom 
it  an  appropriate  occasion  to  express  our  veneration  for  the 
character  of  this  illustrious  man,  and  our  appreciation  of  the 
wisdom  and  patriotism  which  hiid  tlie  foundation  of  our  Na- 
tional prosperity  in  that  admirable  instrument,  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Uuited  States.  ^^'e  desire  now  and  always  to 
proclaim  our  attachment  to  that  Union  among  the  peoi)le  of 
the  United  States,  of  which  the  Constitution  is  the  bond, 
and  that  its  great  purpose  "to  establish  justice,  insure 
domestic  trancjuillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  pro- 
mote the  general  Avelfare,  and  secure  tlie  blessings  of  liberty 
to  themselves  and  their  posterity,"  is,  and  ever  shall  be, 
ours.  And,  as  a  political  party  organized  to  promote  this 
purpose,  we  believe  it  to  be  our  duty,  a  duty  which  is 
especially  and  solemnly  enjoined  upon  every  man  who  has 
sworn  to  support  the  Constitution,  to  support  every  measure 
calculated  to  advance  this  purpose,  and  to  resist,  with  the 
erkcrg}'  of  inflexible  principle,  every  scheme  which  may  defeat 
or  retard  it. 

We  therefore  Resolve,  — 

1.  That  we  regard  the  institution  of  domestic  daveri/, 
which  exists  in  some  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  not  only  as 
a  foe  to  the  domestic  tranquillity  and  the  welfare  of  such 
States,  Init  as  subversive  of  the  plainest  principles  of  justice, 
and  the  manifest  destroyer  of  tlu;  l)lessings  of  lil)erty.  As 
an  institution,  we  are  compelled  to  denounce  and  abhor  it; 
yet  we  concede  that  in  the  States  where  it  exists  it  is  politi- 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  29 

cally  beyond  our  reach.  But,  as  we  cannot  deny  our  respon- 
sibility concerning  it,  so  long  as  it  finds  protection  under 
the  hiws  of  the  Federal  Government,  so  we  will  never  cease 
to  war  against  it  so  long  as  the  purpose  of  the  Constitution 
shall  remain  unaccomplished  to  secure  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty to  all  within  its  power. 

2.  That  in  following  in  the  footsteps  of  the  fathers  of  the 
Republic,  who  regarded  Freedom  the  National  and  Slavery 
the  Sectional  sentiment,  we  best  vindicate  their  claims  to 
enlightened  patriotism,  and  our  own  to  be  considered  loyal 
supporters  of  the  government  they  established ;  and  that 
opposition  to  any  extension  of  slavery,  and  to  any  augmen- 
tation of  its  power,  is  clearlj'  the  duty  of  all  who  respect 
the  doctrine  or  the  practice  of  the  wisest  and  ablest  of  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution. 

3.  That  the  attempt  now  pending  in  Congress,  to  repeal 
the  enactment  b}^  which  the  vast  territory  north  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  line  w^as  dedicated  to  freedom,  is  an  out- 
rage upon  justice,  humanity  and  good  faith  ;  one  by  which 
traitorous  ambition,  confederated  with  violation  of  a  solemn 
and  time-honored  compact,  is  seeking  to  inflict  upon  the 
nation  a  deep  and  indelible  disgrace.  We  denounce  the 
scheme  as  infamous,  and  we  call  upon  the  people  to  hold  its 
authors  and  aI)ettors  to  the  most  rigid  and  righteous  account- 
ability. 

4.  That  executive  patronage  has  grown  to  be  an  evil  of 
immense  magnitude,  consolidating  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment into  the  hands  of  the  incuml>ent  of  the  Presidential 
mansion,  to  a  degree  subversive  of  all  proper  accountabilit}' 
to  the  people,  and  for  which  there  is  no  adequatq  remedy, 
short  of  a  transfer  of  this  power  from  the  President  to  the 
people. 

5.  That  we  are  in  fiivor  of  cheap  postage  by  land  and  sea  ; 
of  free  grants  of  land  out  of  the  public  domain,  in  limited 


.">(»  oi-KHN     OV     I  III',     I;KI'IHI,I('.\.\     rAKl^. 

ilii;i!uitit's,  to  ;icni;il  xiilcrs;  of  Iiiirlxn' Mild  river  iinprovo- 
nu'vt.s.  n.'itioiKil  in  llicii-  i'li:ir;u'l(<r.  and  of  lir.iiils  Itv  llio  (iov- 
cnmuMil  in  :iid  of  tlu'  railroad  to  llic  Pai-ilic,  in  siu-li  I'onn 
as  shall  l)r-l  a\t)id  (lu-  wasteful  s(jnandfi-  ol'  ( JoNcrnnient 
Jol)s,  aiul  siTuri'  tlu'  early  ec)in[)l(>(ion  of  [\w  road. 

(!..That  upon  (nn^stioiis  of  State  policy,  we  are  in  favor 
of  the  re-enactment  of  the  law  for  the  supi)res,si()n  of  the 
tratlic  in  inloxicat inif  liquors,  with  such  ainendnienls  as  shall 
remove  all  constitutional  doubts,  and  secure  the  lii<i"hest  dc- 
jrroe  of  eHicieney  to  the  law  ;  we  arc  in  favor  of  general  laws 
under  which  capital  may  be  associated  and  combined  for  the 
prosecution  of  works  of  pul)lic  improvement,  and  of  various 
industrial  pursuits.  Wo  arc  in  favor  of  free  schools,  and  of 
such  a  disposition  of  the  public  money  as  shall  promote  the 
interests  of  the  State,  rather  than  the  interests  of  any  indi- 
vidual or  cori)oration  ;  and  especially  are  we  opposed  to  the 
loaning-  of  the  public  money  at  one  per  cent  interest. 

7.  That  the  sulijects  likely  to  l)c  presented  to  the  action 
of  the  next  Legislature,  are  such  as  require  the  selection  for 
the  offices  of  Senators  and  Kepresentatives,  of  men  of  sound 
head,  of  business  capacity  and  of  unimpeachable  integrity ; 
and  we  take  the  libcrt}^  of  commending  this  subject  to  the 
seasonable  and  thoughtful  consideration  of  the  electors  of 
this  State,  for  we  are  assured  that  it  is  only  by  such  selec- 
tions for  this  im[)oitant  trust,  that  wise  legislation  can  be 
accomplished,  and  the  recurrence  of  scenes  which  linger 
painfully  in  tlu-  memory  of  the  people,  can  be  elfectually 
prevented. 

THE  NEBRASKA  lilLL 
Passed  the  House  May  22,  and  on  the  25th,  three  days 
afterwards,  the  Independent  Democratic  Committee  of  Mich- 
igan called  another  convention  to  meet  at  Kalamazoo  the 
21st  of  the  following  June,  which  was  held,  and  the  following 
resoluti(jns  were  passed  :  — 


PROCEEDINGS    IX    OTHER    STATES.  31 

Whereas,  Tliis  Convention,  called  to  aid  in  concentrating 
the  popular  sentiment  of  this  State  to  resist  the  aggressions 
of  the  slave  power,  are  deeply  impressed  with  the  import- 
ance of  the  crisis  in  our  naticjual  aifairs,  we  are  compelled 
to  contemplate  a  strife  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  partici- 
pated in  to  some  extent  by  the  people,  in  which  the  ele- 
mental principles  of  Avrong  and  injustice  are  warring  against 
the  interests  of  justice  and  liberty.  AVe  have  seen  this  strife 
carried  to  a  degree  of  success  shameful  to  its  authors,  and 
which  excites  the  most  ahirming  ap^^rehensions  for  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  country ;  we  have  seen  our  National 
Government  sinking  from  the  position  of  the  freest  "nation 
on  earth  to  that  of  a  mere  Presidental  despotism — and  that 
too  controlled  by  a  system  of  iniquity  which  is  the  disgrace 
of  our  country  and  the  scorn  of  mankind  ;  therefore  — 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
establishes  a  Government  of  free  men  for  a  free  people  ;  and 
that  in  so  far  as  the  Government  has  l)ecn  perverted  from 
its  orignal  purpose,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  lover  of  his  coun- 
try to  seek  its  restoration  to  the  original  purpose  of  its 
authors. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  institution  of  slavery  which  existed 
in  some  of  the  States  at  the  formation  of  the  Constitution 
was  then  regarded  as  exceptional,  and  local  in  its  character, 
and  was  to  l)e  limited  and  restricted  until  it  should  hnall}' 
disappear. 

3.  Resolved,  That  in  the  recent  passage  of  the  bill  for  the 
orofanization  of  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  we 
see  the  crowning  act  of  a  series  of  aggressions  by  which  the 
sectional  and  exceptional  character  of  slavery  has  been  grad- 
ually changed  until  it  has  become  the  great  national  interest 
of  the  country,  for  the  protection  of  which  every  other 
interest  must  l)e   sacrificed,  and   its   power  has  become   so 


■  '•J  niMi-iN   or  mi;  r;F.ri:ni,i(\\N   paiity. 

jiotcnt  tliiii  iViiin  the  President  to  the  j)<)stin;ist(M',  till  Iho 
t'uiK'tionnrirs  of  the  Hxcciitivo  (lovii'iiiMfiit  jii-o  twisted  and 
cornipto*!  l)y  it  into  aUsoluto  siibjeetion  to  its  insulting  de- 
mands. 

1.  llc^nlri'il.  That  evils  so  groat  as  those  demand  a  rem- 
edy :  and  that  if  lliat  remedy  cannot  l)o  found  in  the  virtue 
of  the  [)eo|»le,  a  people  who  are  yvi  true  to  the  instincts  of 
lil)erty,  to  the  innnortal  prineiplos  proposed  hy  tlu;  Fathers 
of  the  Constitution,  a  i)eople  who  enjoy  the  blessings  of  the 
(Tovernment  they  established,  and  a  people  who  arc  yet  wil- 
ling to  display  something  of  energy  and  perseverance,  and 
if  need  be  saeritice,  which  moved  the  i)atriots  of  seven(t/-six 
to  the  accomplishment  of  their  great  work,  —  then  the  days  of 
the  Republic  are  numbered,  and  it  must  soon  become,  what 
its  laws  will  make  it,  a  nation  of  slaves. 

5.  JResohed,  That  we  do  not  and  will  not  despair  ;  that  we 
l)clieve  the  people  of  this  State  are  ready  to  respond  to  the 
call  of  their  country  in  this  emergency  ;  that  they  are  read\', 
irrespective  of  all  past  political  i)referonces,  to  declare  in  an 
unmistakal)le  tone  their  will  ;  and  that  M'ill  is  that  slavery 
aggression  upon  their  rights  shall  go  no  further — that  there 
shall  be  no  compromise  with  slavery  —  that  there  shall 
be  no  more  Slave  States  —  that  there  shall  be  no  slave 
territory  —  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  shall  he  repealed  — 
that  the  abominations  of  slavery  shall  no  longer  l)e  perpe- 
trated under  the  sanctions  of  the  Federal  Constitution  —  and 
that  they  will  make  their  will  effective  by  driving  from  every 
place  of  official  i>ower  the  i>ublic  servants  who  have  so 
shamelessly  l)etraye(l  their  trust,  and  by  putting  in  their 
jdacos  men  who  arc  honest  and  ca[)able  ;  men  who  will  be 
faithful  to  the  Constitution  and  the  great  claims  of  humanity. 

(').  liesolved,  That  the  Free  Democracy  of  Michigan  rejoice 
to  behohl  the  indications  of  j);)pular  sentiment  furnished  by 
this  Convention  ;  they  are  conscicnis  that  the  deeply  aroused 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  33 

feeling  of  the  masses  in  this  State  Avill  seek  a  suitable  expres- 
sion in  a  convention  springing  from  themselves,  irrespective 
of  any  existing  political  organization ;  and  that  if  snch  a 
movement  shall  be  animated  and  guided  by  the  principles 
expressed  in  the  resolutions  of  this  Convention,  and  shall 
contemplate  an  efficient  organization  to  give  effect  to  our 
principles  in  this  State,  we  shall  willingly  suirender  our 
distinctive  organization,  and  with  it  the  ticket  for  State 
officers  nominated  at  Jackson  on  the  22d  of  February  last ; 
and  that  we  commit  the  execution  of  this  purpose  to  a  com- 
mittee of  sixteen — two  persons  from  each  judicial  district, 
to  be  appointed  by  this  Convention. 

THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  OF  MICHIGAN. 

By  the  action  at  Kalamazoo  was  cleared  the  way  for  the 
harmonious  and  successful  work  of  the  grand  mass  Conven- 
tion at  Jackson,  Jul}'  6,  1854. 

The  committee  on  resolutions,  through  the  chair,  Hon.  J. 
M.  Howard,  reported  the  following,  which  were  passed  :  — 

The  free  men  of  ^Michigan,  assembled  in  convention  in 
pursuance  of  a  spontaneous  call,  emanating  from  various 
parts  of  the  State,  to  consider  upon  the  measures  which  duty 
demands  of  us  as  citizens  of  a  free  State,  to  take  in  refer- 
ence to  the  late  acts  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
and  its  anticipated  further  extension,  do 

Resolve,  That  the  institution  of  slavery,  except  in  punish- 
ment of  crime,  is  a  great  moral,  social  and  political  evil ;  that 
it  Avas  so  regarded  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic,  the  found- 
ers and  best  friends  of  the  Union,  by  the  heroes  and  sages 
of  the  Revolution,  who  contemplated  and  intended  its  gradual 
and  peaceful  extinction  as  an  element  hostile  to  the  lil)erties 
for  which  they  toiled  ;  that  its  history  in  the  United  States, 
the  experience  of  men  best  acquainted  with  its  workings  ;  the 


.•}  onn^iN  oi"    rm:   kkimiu.kan   PAitTT. 

dispassionate  confcssidii  of  those  who  arc  intcrcslod  in  it  ; 
its  tontlcncy  to  relax  \\\o  vi^or  ol'  induct i-v  and  enterpi-isc 
inherent  in  the  white  man  ;  the  very  surl'aee  of  the  eartli 
w  htM-e  it  subsists  ;  the  vieos  and  innnoralities  wiiich  are  its 
natural  irrowth  :  the  stringent  police,  otlon  wunting  in  hu- 
manity, and  speakinir  to  the  sentiments  of  every  generous 
heart,  which  it  demands;  the  (hinger  it  has  already  wrouglit, 
and  the  futun^  (huiger  which  it  portends  to  llie  security  of 
the  Fnion  and  our  constitutional  liberties, — all  ineontestiibly 
jirove  it  to  be  such  evil.  Surely,  that  institution  is  not  to  be 
strengthened  or  encouraavd  aaainst  which  AN'ashington,  the 
calmest  and  wisest  of  our  nation,  bore  unequivocal  testi- 
mony ;  as  to  which  Jefferson,  tilled  with  a  love  of  libcrt}', 
exclaimed,  "  Can  fhe  lil)erties  of  a  nation  be  ever  thoujflit 
secure  when  we  have  removed  their  only  firm  basis,  a  convic- 
tion in  the  minds  of  the  people  that  their  liberties  are  the 
GIFT  OF  God?  that  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with  His 
wrath?  Indeed,  I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  reflect 
that  God  is  just ;  that  His  justice  cannot  sleep  forever  ;  that, 
considering  numbers,  nature  and  nationality  means  only  a 
revolution  of  the  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation 
is  among  possil)le  events  ;  that  it  ma}'  become  probable  by 
supernatural  interference  !  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute 
which  can  take  sides  with  us  in  such  a  contest !  "  And  as  to 
which  another  eminent  patriot  in  Virginia,  on  the  close  of 
the  K(;vohition,  also  exclaimed,  "  Had  we  turned  our  eyes 
inwardly  w  hen  we  supplicated  the  Father  of  ^lercies  to  aid 
th'^  injured  and  op[)ressed,  Avlien  we  invoked  the  Author  of 
Kighteousness  to  attest  the  purity  of  our  motives  and  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  and  implored  the  God  of  battles  to  aid 
our  exertions  in  its  defence,  should  we  not  have  stood  more 
self-convicted  than  the  contrite  publican?"  We  believe 
these  sentiments  to  be  as  true  now  as  they  were  then. 

liesolved,  That  slaverv  is  a  Aiolation  of  the  rights  of  man 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  3o 

as  man  ;  that  the  law  of  nature,  Avhich  is  the  law  of  liberty, 
o-ives  to  no  man  rights  superior  to  those  of  another ;  that 
God  and  nature  have  secured  to  each  individual  the  inalien- 
able right  of  equality,  any  violation  of  which  must  be  the 
result  of  superior  force  ;  and  that  slavery  therefore  is  a  per- 
petual war  upon  its  victims  ;  that  whether  we  regard  the  in- 
stitution as  first  originating  in  captures  made  in  Avar,  or  the 
subjection  of  the  debtor  as  the  slave  of  his  creditor,  or  the 
forcible  seizure  and  sale  of  children  by  their  parents,  or  sul)- 
jects  by  their  king,  and  whether  it  be  viewed  in  this  coun- 
try as  a  "  necessary  evil  "  or  otherwise,  we  find  it  to  be,  like 
imprisonment  for  debt,  but  a  relic  of  barbarism  as  well  as 
an  element  of  weakness  in  the  midst  of  the  State,  inviting 
the  attack  of  external  enemies,  and  a  ceaseless  cause  of  inter- 
nal apprehension  and  alarm.  Such  are  the  lessons  taught 
us,  -not  only  by  the  histories  of  other  commonwealths,  but 
by  that  of  our  own  beloved  country. 

Resolved,  That  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  particularly  the  enactment  of  the  ordinance  of 
July  13,  1787,  prohibiting  slavery  north  of  the  Ohio,  abun- 
dantly shows  it  to  have  been  the  purpose  of  our  fathers  not 
to  promote  Imt  to  prevent  the  spread  of  slavery.  And  we, 
reverencing  their  memories  and  cherishing  free  republican 
foith  as  our  richest  inheritance,  which  w^e  vow,  at  whatever 
expense,  to  defend,  thus  publicly  proclaim  our  determination 
Ho  oppose,  by  all  the  powerful  and  honorable  means  in  our 
power,  now  and  henceforth,  all  attempts,  direct  or  indirect, 
to  extend  slavery  in  this  country,  or  to  permit  it  to  extend 
into  any  region  or  locality  in  which  it  does  not  now  exist  by 
positive  law,  or  to  admit  new  Slave  States  into  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  gives 
to  Congress  full  and  complete  power  for  the  municipal  gov- 
ernment of  the  Territories  thereof;  a  power  which,  from  its 
nature,  cannot   be   either   alienated   or   abdicated,  without 


.Ui  oKKiix  OF    rriF.  i.T.prr.Tjrw   pai;tv. 

vii'ldiiii:"  u|>  lo  the  Tcriitorv  an  :ilis()liil(>  political  iiulcpciid- 
eiico,  wiruli  iiivolvt's  ail  absurdity.  Tlial  the  exercise  of 
this  power  iieeessarily  looks  lo  the  I'oriuation  of  States  to  1)C 
aihnitled  into  the  I'liion  ;  and  on  the  (jnestion  whether  they 
shnll  he  aihnitted  as  Free  or  Slave  States,  Congress  has  a  riglit 
to  a(h)pt  suih  prudential  and  preventive  measures  as  the 
jirineiples  of  liherty  and  the  interests  of  the  whole  country 
require.  That  this  question  is  one  of  the  gravest  impor- 
tance to  the  Free  States,  inasnnich  as  the  Constitution  itself 
creates  an  inecjuality  in  the  apportionment  of  representatives, 
greatly  to  the  deti'iment  of  the  Free  an<l  to  the  advantage  of 
the  Slave  States.  This  question,  so  vital  to  the  interests  of 
the  Free  States  (hut  Mhich,  we  arc  told  by  certain  political 
doctors  of  modern  times,  is  to  be  treated  with  utter  indill'er- 
euce),  is  one  A\liich  we  hold  it  to  he  our  right  to  dificuss; 
which  we  hold  it  the  duty  of  Congress,  in  every  instance,  to 
determine  in  unequivocal  language,  and  in  a  maimer  to  ^>;'<?- 
veiit  the  spread  of  slavery  and  the  increase  of  such  unequal 
representation.  In  short,  Ave  claim  that  the  North  is  apart}/ 
to  the  new  havyain,  and  is  entitled  to  have  a  voice  and  influ- 
ence in  settling  its  terms.  And  in  view  of  the  ambitious  de- 
signs of  the  slave  power,  we  regar-l  the  man  or  the  party 
who  would  forego  this  right,  as  untrue  to  the  honor  and 
interest  of  the  Xortli,  and  unworthy  of  its  support. 

Resolved,  That  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
contained  in  the  recent  act  of  Congress  for  the  creation  of 
the  Territories  \e])raska  and  Kansas,  thus  admitting  slavery 
into  a  region  till  then  sealed  against  it  by  law,  equal  in  ex- 
tent to  the  thirteen  old  States,  is  an  act  »m})recedcnted  in  the 
history  of  the  country,  and  one  which  must  engage  the 
earnest  and  serious  attention  of  every  Xorthcrn  man.  And 
as  Northern  freemen,  indei)endent  of  all  former  party  ties, 
we  here  hold  this  measure  uj)  to  the  public  execration,  for 
the  followinjr  reasons  :  — 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  37 

That  it  is  u  plain  tieparture  from  the  policy  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  E,epii])lic  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  a  wanton  and  dan- 
gerous frustration  of  their  purposes  and  their  hopes. 

That  it  actually  admits,  and  ivas  iniended  to  admit,  slavery 
into  said  Territories,  and  thus  (to  use  the  M^ords  applied  by 
Judge  Tucker,  of  A^rginia,  to  the  fathers  of  that  Common- 
wealth) "sows  the  seeds  of  an  evil,  which,  like  a  leprosy, 
hath  descended  upon  their  posterity  with  accumulated  ran- 
cor, visiting  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  succeeding  genera- 
tions." That  it  was  sprung  upon  the  country  stealthily  and 
by  surprise,  without  necessity,  without  petition  and  without 
previous  discussion,  thus  violating  the  cardinal  principle  of 
republican  government,  wdiich  requires  all  legislation  to 
accord  wdth  the  opinions  and  sentiments  of  the  people. 

That  on  the  part  of  the  South,  it  is  an  open  and  undis- 
guised breach  of  faith,  as  contracted  between  the  North  and 
South  in  the  settlement  of  the  Missouri  question,  in  1820, 
by  which  the  tranquillity  of  the  two  sections  was  restored ; 
a  compromise  binding  upon  all  honoralile  men. 

That  it  is  also  an  open  violation  of  the  Compromise  of  1850, 
by^'hich,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  and  to  calm  the  distempered 
impulse  of  certain  enemies  of  the  Union  and  at  the  South, 
the  North  accepted  and  acquiesced  in  the  odious  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  of  that  year. 

That  it  is  also  an  undisguised  and  unmanly  contempt  of 
the  pledge  given  to  the  country  1)y  the  present  dominant 
party,  at  their  National  Convention  in  1850,  not  to  ^'agitate 
the  subject  of  slavery/  in  and  out  of  Congress,''^  being  the  same 
convention  which  nominated  Franklin  Pierce  to  the  Presi- 
dency. 

That  it  is  greatly  injurious  to  the  Free  States,  and  to  the 
Territories  themselves,  tending  to  retard  the  settlement  and 
to  prevent  the  improvement  of  the  country  ])y  means  of  free 


;>s  nnrniN  of  xriE  iirrfiujcw  pauty. 

l:il>t)r,  ;intl  to  (liscoiinigc  forci<2^n  iminigraiit.s  resorting- tliithor 
I'or  tluMr  homes. 

That  oiu'  of  its  jjrincipal  aims  is  to  give  to  the  Shive  States 
siu'h  a  ilofiik'il  ami  })ractical  preponderance  in  all  the  meas- 
ures ot"  government  as  shall  reduce  the  North,  with  all  her 
industry,  wealth  and  enterprise,  to  be  the  mere  })rovince  of 
a  few  slaveholding  oligarchs  of  the  South,  —  to  a  condition 
too  shameful  to  l>i>  contemplated. 

Because,  as  openly  avowed  by  its  Southern  friends,  it  is 
intended  as  an  entering  Avedge  to  the  still  further  augmenta- 
tion of  the  slave  power  by  the  acquisition  of  the  other  Terri- 
tories, cursed  with  the  same  leprosy. 

jResoJvecl,  That  the  obnoxious  measure  to  which  we  have 
alluded  ought  to  be  7'epealed,  and  a  provision  substituted  for 
it,  prohibiting  slavery  in  said  Territories,  and  each  of  them. 

Resolved,  That  after  this  gross  breach  of  faith  and  wanton 
affront  to  us  as  Northern  men,  we  hold  ourselves  absolved 
from  all  "  compromises,"  except  those  expressed  in  the  Con- 
stitution, for  the  protection  of  slavery  and  slave-owners  ; 
that  we  now  demand  measures  of  jirotection  and  innnunity 
for  ourselves ;  and  among  them  Ave  demand  the  repeal  of 
THE  FcGiTiVE  Slave  Laav,  and  an  act  to  abolish  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Colum]>ia. 

Resolved,  That  we  notice  with  dismay  certain  popular  in- 
dications by  slaveholders  on  the  frontier  of  said  Territories, 
of  a  purpose  on  their  part  to  prevent  by  violence  the  settle- 
ment of  the  country  by  non-slaveholding  men.  To  the  lat- 
ter we  say :  Be  of  good  cheer,  persevere  in  the  right,  re- 
member the  Kepublican  motto,  "The  Xoiith  avill  defend 

YOU." 

Revived,  That,  postponing  and  suspending  all  differences 
Avith' regard  to  political  economy  or  administrative  policy,  in 
view  of  the  imminent  danger  that  Kansas  and  Nebraska  will 
be  grasped    by  slavery,  and  a  thousand  miles   of  slave  soil 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  39 

1)0  thus  interposed  1)ctwceii  tlie  Free  States  of  the  Atlantic 
and  those  of  the  Pacitic,  we  will  act  cordially  and  faithfully 
in  unison  to  avert  and  repeal  this  gigantic  wrong  and  shame. 

Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  battling  for  the 
first  principles  of  republican  government,  and  against  the 
schemes  of  aristocracy,  the  most  revolting  and  oppressive 
Avith  which  the  earth  was  ever  cursed,  or  man  debased,  we 
will  co-operate  and  be  known  as  Republicans  until  the  con- 
test be  terminated. 

Resolved,  That  we  earnestly  recommend  the  calling  of  a 
general  convention  of  the  Free  States,  and  such  of  the  Slave- 
holding  States,  or  portions  thereof,  as  may  desire  to  be  there 
represented,  with  a  view  to  the  adoption  of  other  more  ex-' 
tended  and  effectual  measures  in  resistance  to  the  encroach- 
ments of  slavery  ;  and  that  a  committee  of  five  persons  be 
appointed  to  correspond  and  co-operate  with  our  friends  in 
other  States  on  the  subject. 

Resolved,  That  in  relation  to  the  domestic  affairs  of  the 
State,  we  urge  a  more  economical  administration  of  the 
Government,  and  a  more  rigid  accountability  of  the  public 
oflicers  ;  a  speedy  payment  of  the  balance  of  the  pul)lic 
debt,  and  the  lessening  of  the  amount  of  taxation  ;  a  careful 
preservation  of  the  primary-school  and  university  funds,  and 
their  diligent  application  to  the  great  objects  for  which  they 
were  created ;  and  also  further  legislation  to  prevent  the  un- 
necessary or  imprudent  sale  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
State. 

Resolved,  That  in  our  opinion  the  commercial  wants  re- 
quire the  enactment  of  a  general  railroad  law,  which,  while 
it  shall  secure  the  investment  and  encourage  the  enterprise 
of  stockholders,  shall  also  guard  and  protect  the  rights  of 
the  public  and  of  individuals  ;  and  that  the  prej)aration  of 
such  a  measure  requires  the  first  talents  of  the  State. 


10  oitiniN  or  nil':  iiKprnurw   r.\i!TV. 

The  opuosilioii,  hirooly  IvrpuMicaii,  cin'ricd  the  State  of 
Mirhii;;in  at  tlu>  I'lll  I'lcclion,  as  against  tlu'  old  Democracy 
iuid  tliL'  Kaiisas-Xeliraska  hill. 

LKTri:K  FR():si  i:x-vick  prksidknt  colfax, 

On  Tin:  Occasion-  of  tiii:  T\vi;n  rv  rririi  Anniveksauv. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Post  and  Trihune  : 

Your  letter  bring.s  vividly  to  my  mind  the  political  con- 
flicts of  a  (piartcr  of  a  century  ago  in  Michigan,  in  which  I 
participated  ;  the  closing  campaign  of  the  old  Whig  party 
in  18r)2,  in  which  I  spoke  at  Kalamazoo,  Marshall,  c"tc.,  for 
Zach  Chandler,  then  a  Detroit  merchant,  just  commencing 
■political  life,  and  the  opening  campaign  of  the  Republican 
party,  when  at  Hillsdale  and  other  points  in  southern  ]Mich- 
igan,  I  advocated  the  election  of  Kinsley  S.  Bingham.  I 
remember,  too,  right  well,  how  that  harmonious  and  auspi- 
cious fusion  of  Free  Democrats,  Whigs,  Abolitionists  and 
Anti-Xebraska  men,  "under  the  oaks  at  Jackson,"  into  an 
united  Republican  organization,  inspired  us  in  Indiana  to 
such  redoubled  exertions,  as  to  change  the  Democratic  ma- 
jority of  15,000,  in  1852,  into  a  Repul)lican  majority  of 
12,000,  in  1854.  And  your  ringing  platform  of  that  day, 
as  I  realize  its  absolute  necessity  in  the  light  of  all  that  has 
since  transpired,  convinces  me  that  what  I  announced  in  the 
dark  days  of  our  nation  afterwards,  a:i  a  principle,  is,  in 
view  of  all  that  has  occurred  in  later  years,  as  axiomatic 
now  as  it  was  then,  that  "Loyalty  should  govern  what  loy- 
alt}-  preserved."  Yours  very  truly, 

SCIirYLER  COLFAX. 

South  Bexd,  Indiana,  July  1,  1879. 

THE  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  IN  WISCONSIN 
Was  held  at  Madison,  July  13,  1854,  the  call  being  issued 
July  9,  after  a  number  of  "Anti-Nebraska  ]\Ieetinirs  "  had 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  41 

been  held  in  different  parts  of  the  State.  The  call  invited 
"  all  men  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  ^Missouri  Compromise 
and  the  extension  of  the  shive  power"  to  take  part.  No 
names  were  signed  to  it,  and  no  name  for  any  new  party 
was  indicated  in  it ;  but  the  convention  which  met  in  re- 
sponse thereto  adopted  the  following  as  one  of  its  resolu- 
tions :  — 

Resolved,  That  we  accept  the  issue  forced  upon  us  by  the 
slave  power,  and  in  defence  of  freedom  will  co-operate  and 
be  known  as  Republicans. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  1854,  a  mass  convention  was  held  in 
Vermont  of  persons  "  in  favor  of  resisting,  by  all  consti- 
tutional means,  the  usurpations  of  the  propagandists  of 
slavery."  Among  the  resolutions  adopted  was  one  whdch 
closed  with  these  words:  "We  propose,  and  respectfully 
recommend  to  the  friends  of  freedom  in  other  States,  to  co- 
operate and  be- known  as  Republicans."  A  State  ticket  was 
nominated,  but  the  State  committees  of  the  various  parties 
])eing  empowered  "to  fill  vacancies,"  a  fusion  ticket  was  af- 
terward placed  in  the  field,  voted  for  and  elected  under  the 
name  of  Fusion. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  also,  a  convention  was  held  in 
Columbus,  Ohio,  of  those  in  favor  of  "  breaking  the  chains 
now  forging  to  bind  the  nation  to  the  car  of  American 
slavery."  The  canvass  which  was  then  inaugurated  swept 
the  State  for  the  party  which,  during  that  canvass,  was 
generally  known  as  Republican. 

On  the  same  day  a  similar  convention  was  held  in  Indiana, 
at  which  speeches  were  made  by  Henry  S.  Lane,  Henry  L. 
Ellsworth  and  Schuyler  Colfax,  and  the  campaign  resulted 
aimilarly  to  that  in  Ohio. 

Following  quickly  in  the  lead  of  the  others,  the  great 
State  of  New  York  organized  her  Republican  party  and  ex- 


;:itiiN  OF  Tiir.  i;i;rrnr.KAN  rAUiv. 

rrh'il  ;i  Ino.hl  .-md  flUn-livo  Inlhicncc  in  lior  election  of  ISoi. 
Her  tir.st  eoiiventlon  m;is  eiilled  for  the  ITtli  of  ()elol>er,  niid 
was  held  at  Aiinidiea,  AUeghaliy  (\)unty.  'I'lie  call  was 
heaiU-d  hy  Hon.  A.  N.  Cole,  editor  of  the  "Free  Press."  Mr. 
Cole  w  rites  the  da}-  after  the  eleetioii,  in  November,  1870, 
\vhiii  the  Democrats  assnmed  the  trium})h  of  Tilden,  and 
were  lirinu"  u'nns  on  the  hill  near  his  room  :  "Ik'nealh  the 
shadows  (if  the  hill  overlookini:-  the  (Jencsee,  Ave  sat  a 
(juarter  i>f  a  century  aiio  writing-.  Our  letter  was  to 
one  who  loved  liberty,  now  gathered  to  his  fathers,  Pres- 
ton King,  of  St.  Law-renee,  and  we  asked,  'Has  not  the 
lime  eomc,  Mr.  King,  Avlien  all  the  friends  of  freedom 
should  unite  and  make  a  party,  pledged  to  see  the  na- 
tional domain  made  into  Free  rather  than  Slave  States?' 
Ma"ils  Averc  .>?onieAvhat  sloAvcr  in  those  days  than  noAv,  and  St. 
Lawrence  Avas  far  aAvay  u})  towards  the  North  Pole,  and  it 
Avas  a  long  Aveek  before  there  came  an  answer,  a  glorious 
and  ncA'er  to  be  forgotten  one  Avhen  it  came,  c'haracteristic  of 
the  patriot  avIio  Avrote,  and  this  Avas  Avhat  he  said  :  'Yes,  it 
is  high  time  that  the  friends  of  ]Mr.  Seward  understood  that 
the  AVhig  party  has  had  its  day,  and  that,  if  a  man  is  a 
ScAvard  Whig  he  is  an  anti-slavery  man,  and  if  he  is  a  Free 
Soil  Democrat,  he  is  opposed  to  slavery  everywhere  and  in 
favor  of  freedom  everywdicre,  and  while  bound  to  respect 
the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  is  not  bound  to  become 
a  slave-catcher,'  &c. 

"  We  were  publishing  our  cherished  '  Free  Press'  in  t'nose 
days,  and  aa'c  put  Mr.  King's  letter  in  typo  and  sent  it  out 
to  the  world.  A  little  after,  the  great  dailies  in  the  city,  '  The 
Tribune'  (Horace  Greeley's  paper),  'The  Times'  (then 
published  by  Henry  J.  Kaymond),  and  the  'Evening  Post' 
(with  William  Cullen  I'.ryant  as  editor),  brought  out  the  let- 
ter, and  all  ov<r  the  North  it  was  borne,  and  there  came  echo- 
ing back  the  response  from  the  lovers  of  liberty,  The  Whig 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    OTHER    STATES.  43 

part}'  has  done  its  work  —  the  Free  Soilers  should  dissolve 
partHershi[),  and  tliat  too,  forever,  Avith  the  Hunkers, 
and  Ave  shoidd  have,  must  have,  a  new  party,  with  a  new 
name,  with  noble  purposes,  a  party  bound  to  see  that  Free- 
dom is  the  rule.  Slavery  the  exception,  in  America. 

"A  little  after,  there  appeared  in  the  columns  of  the  'Free 
Press '  a  call,  humbly  signed  by  five  men.  Here  are  their 
names :  A.  N.  Cole,  Eobert  Snow,  Elias  P.  Benjamin, 
Charles  M.  Allen  and  J.  D.  Shuart,  all  of  whom  still  sur- 
vive, except  the  latter.  This  Avas  the  first  call  for  a  Republi- 
can Convention  in  the  State  of  New  York.  The  conven- 
tion Avas  held  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  October,  1854,  the 
birthday  of  the  great  party  of  freedom  in  this  State.  It  Avas 
held  on  the  soil  of  our  glorious  old  Alleghany,  at  the  old 
court  house  in  Angelica,  Avas  not  numerously  attended,  only 
a  score  of  Whigs  in  the  entire  county  having  pluck  enough 
to  participate  in  its  proceedings,  together  with  fifty  or  sixty 
Free  Democrats. 

'■  HoAv  the  ticket  then  nominated,  contrary  to  all  expecta- 
tion, was  elected,  and  hoAv  our  convention  AA-as  the  means  of 
the  election  of  :\Iyron  H.  Clark  as  Governor,  and  how,  Avith- 
in  a  year  from  that  time,  the  Republican  party  was  fully 
organized  at  Syracuse,  Preston  King  nominated  for  Secre- 
tary of  State,  our  banner  hung  upon  the  outer  AA^all,  and, 
though  our  ticket  Avas  defeated,  the  foundation  laid  for  the 
irrcat  Avork  since  accomplished,  are  events  Avhich  have 
silently  passed  into  history. 

"  The  men  calling  themselves  Democrats  continue  to  fire 
those  guns.  We  cannot  discern  their  fiices,  only  their  forms, 
and  that  dimly  in  the  distance,  but  Avill  venture  the  conclu- 
sion that  not  on(!  of  them  took  part  in  the  early  Avork  to 
Avhich  Ave  have  referred  —  not  one,  a  year  after,  in  ISoG, 
voted  for  Fremont  and  Freedom  ;  not  one  became  a  Repul)- 


11  «»i;i(:iN   ()i^    iiiK   UKPrni.icAN    takty. 

lionn.  uo\  our  a  inii'  lover  of  Iil)crt\  ,  Itiil  all  inMiiaiiiod  vota- 
ries of  slaviM-v  :  not  one  ever  voto*]  in  his  life  tor  the  «(jual 
rig-hts  of  all  men.  nor  had  any  ilisj)osi(ion  to  do  so. 

"Not  only  so  :  a  little  later,  Abraham  Lincoln  liavinj^  hecn 
niaile  President,  Wade  Hampton  and  others  of  his  kind 
leathered  at  Ciiarlcston,  and  hron^iht  their  (juns  to  hear  upon 
Sumter.  Th(>  euns  of  the  traitors  were  far  off- and  away, 
but  their  echoes  reverberated  across  land  and  sea,  and  the 
lovers  of  their  country,  rising  up,  sang  the  song : — 

•  'I'liL'  Star  Spiuiiik'tl  Baimer,  oh,  l()ii<if  may  it  wave 
0"oi-  I  lie  land  of  the  free,  and  llie  home  of  the  brave  I ' 

"And  then  were  heard  other  guns,  and  there  was  hurryimj 
to  and  fro,  and  gathering  in  hot  haste,  and  the  great  meet- 
ing was  held  in  Union  Square,  and  Samuel  J.  Tilden  was 
not  there,  the  man  over  whose  election  to  the  Presidency, 
the  Democrats  are  now  shouting,  rejoicing  and  tiring  those 
guns.  And  oiu-  bo^ys  Avent  out  to  war  for  the  Union,  and 
thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  came  not  back  again. 
Nine  of  our  '  Free  Press  '  boys  went  among  the  number,  and 
Mclvin  and  Luther,  l)oth  of  whom  we  loved  as  our  own 
Hesh,  were  starved  at  Andersonville,  and  died,  and  were 
buried,  the  one  with  a  grave  marked,  the  other  unmarked. 
Others  of  the  boys,  wra])ping  around  them  the  bloody  shirt, 
laid  down  in  graves  on  the  soil  of  treason.  Only  four  of 
the^  nine  '  Free  Press '  boys,  so  far  as  we  know,  came  ))ack, 
nor  one  without  scars  to  tell  that  they  fought  for  /iberty. 

"  We  cast  our  eyes  up  from  our  writing,  and  discern  a 
j)icture  on  tlie  wall,  with  a  wreath  encircling,  woven  by 
the  heart  of  affection,  a  wreath  of  autumn  -leaves.  It  is 
the  r)icture  of  owe  who,  since  the  time  when  AlofO'non  Sid- 
noy  laid  down  his  life  for  Lil)erty,  none  has  lived,  wrought 
and  died,  who  loved  Frcech)ni  better,  or  was  more  obedient 
to  conscienoe  — 


PROCEEDINGS    IX    OTHER    STATES.  45 

THE  PICTURE  OF  HORACE  GREELEY. 

"And  Democrats,  some  who  voted  for  him  four  years  ago,  as 
well  as  those  who  voted  against  him,  were  taunting  us  a  few 
days  since,  with  having  deserted  the  standard  of  Democracy. 
Thank  Heaven,  we  never  fought  under  that  banner,  nor 
will.  The  hoar  frosts  in  mirror  reflected,  tells  the  story, 
the  grave  is  onl}'  a  little  way  off.  And  is  it  so?  Has  the 
great  party  at  whose  baptismal  font  we  stood  that  quarter  of 
a  centuiy  ago,  gotten  through  with  its  work,  and  passed  into 
history?  And  is  the  sound  of  those  guns  its  requiem,  and 
must  a  false  and  traitorous  Democracy  hence  rule  this  great 
country  ? 

"And  yet,  amid  the  gloom,  one  bright  green  spot  arises  up 
to  cheer.  Here,  on  the  soil  of  Alleghany,  where  tlie  Repub- 
lican baby  was  nursed  a  (juarter  of  a  century  ago,  the  fir^s 
of  freedom,  early  lighted,  have  not  grown  dim,  but  blaze 
out  as  beacons  and  send  greeting  to  all  true  Republicans, 
saying  that  in  sunshine  or  shadow,  at  the  cradle  or  the 
grave  of  the  Republican  party,  we  count 

THREE  THOUSAND  MAJORITY 
For   the    star  of  Republicanism,  never   to    set  among   our 
mountains  till  a  better  Democracy  shall  be  presented  to  us 
than  has  ever  yet  been  seen  in  this  country. 

"But  this  is  not  the  grave  of  Republicanism,  only  a  re- 
minder that  men  who  profess  Republicanism  are  bound  to 
practise  it.     It  is  the  grave,  nevertheless,  of 

KING  CAUCUS. 

"A  brighter  and  better  future  awaits  us.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  past,  nothing  in  the  present,  nothing  in  the  purposes, 
nothing  in  the  spirit  of  Democracy  to  inspire  hope,  beget 
confidence, give  us  good  laws,  patriotic,  true  law-givers,  just 
rulers,  good  government,  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the 


It)  N  \Ti(^\  M.iTY   OF  TiiK   UKiT ur.rrAX   I>.\nTV. 

people,   fur    {\\o   people.      \\'e    iniHl    now    t;ike   hold,    mH    of 
us.  ami  (nliicate  th(>  Aiiu>rican  [)(.-ople  to  uiuler>taiul  (hat 

ETERNAL  VKill.AXCE  IS  THE  I'KICE  OF  LIBERTY; 
That  the  Aineriean  people  must,  if  they  would  sav(>  the  Re- 
puhlii',  iiive  us  honest  eleetions,  and  tJeeure  to  us  the  riiLht 
of  making  choice  by  ballot  of  every  nominee  for  elective 
otBce,  and  that  he  who  would  pack  a  caucus,  or  degrade  a 
conventioli  to  his  personal  ends,  is  an  enemy  of  his  country, 
and  to  l)e  shunned  l)v  all  true  men." 

In  a  letter  to  the  writer,  from  Mr.  Cole,  dated  ^Nlay  31, 
1879,  he  says,  "Our  Convention  was  called  as  a  Republican 
Convention  to  nominate  a  complete  ticket.  This  we  did. 
State  and  County  officers,  all  of  whom  were  elected.  This 
ticket,  headed  'Republican  nominations,'  appeared  in  my 
'Genesee  Valley  Free  Press,'  now  universally  acknowledged 
to  have  been  the  pioneer  RejMiblican  journal  in  America." 

THE  BROAD  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 
The  Republican  part}''  as  a  party,  and  in  its  published 
principles,  has  ever  ignored  the  restrictive  dogmas  of  the 
Native  American  party,  as  Avell  as  the  secret  organization 
of  its  more  effective  political  successor,  called  the  Am^i-ican 
party,  which  so  took  the  country  by  surp'rise  and  swept  the 
States  at  the  fall  elections  of  1854.  No  political  organiza- 
tion in  this  country  ever  sprang  uji  so  suddenlv,  or  com- 
manded so  much  temporary  influence,  as  did  that  jxarty,  both 
North  and  South,  East  and  West.  Yet  whatever  may  be 
said  to  the  contrary  by  those  knowing  but  little  of  its  real 
character,  from  its  being  a  secret  organization,'  and  who 
])ecame  fearfully  jealous  of  some  of  its  most  influential 
members,  from  the  fact  (jf  their  subsequent  distinguished 
influence  in  the  Republican  party,  the  fact  exists  all  the 
same,  that  a  greater  portion  of  tho   first  vital  strength  of 


NATIONALITY    OF    THE    RErUBLICAN    PARTY.  47 

memberslii})  for  siihstaiitial  work  against  the  extension  of 
slaver}^  came  from  the  American  party.  This  is  sufficiently 
proved  by  the  sul)sequent  election  of  two  Vice-Presidents 
of  the  United  States  from  that  class  of  Republicans.  Of 
the  other  numerous  important  statesmen  and  officers  servins; 
in  responsible  positions,  and  doing  most  effective  work  since 
the  formation  of  the  party,  it  is  not  necessary  here  to 
speak.  There  have  always  been  those  ambitious  of  position, 
or  envious  of  the  deserved  high  standing  of  others,  who 
were  Milling  to  traduce  such,  and  deny  the  efficiency  of  the 
work  they  accomplished  for  the  party.  They  have  also  been 
willing  to  dispute  the  influence  and  aid,  as  well  as  to  give  the 
cold  shoulder  to  mau}^  of  those  Repul)licans  who  came  from 
the  Democratic  party.  No  greater  injustice  could  be  done 
than  this.  From  the  Democrafic  ixirti/  came  some  of  the 
most  vital  and  efficient  Repu])licans  who  have  ever  taken 
part  in  its  action  from  the  first.  To  one  familiar  with  parties 
during  the  last  forty  years,  it  is  easy  to  trace  most  of  these 
croakers  back  to  an  uninfluential  position  in  the  old  Whig 
party,  who  stajed  out  of  the  Republican  party  until  its 
vital  popularity  drew  them  in.  All  honor  to  the  clear- 
sighted humanitarian  Democrats  who  flocked  into  the  Free- 
Soil  and  Republican  parties  when  slavery  became  noxious, 
;ind  became  a  i)anipered  pet  of  the  old-line  Democracy,  es- 
pecially of  the  South  !  All  honor  to  those  true  "Americans" 
in  the  South,  who,  though  slaveholders  themselves,  as  their 
fathers  had  been  before  them,  willingly  gave  them  up  and 
flew  to  the  support  of  the  Union  and  Repu])lican  party  in 
its  darkest  day  of  need,  at  the  expense  of  all  their  personal 
property,  and  with  tlie  halter  constantly  dangling  over  their 
heads  !  This,  too,  in  deflancc  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
in  the  midst  of  wliich  they  lived,  and  dared  even  to  shout 
for  the  Union.  They,  too,  joined  the  Republicans,  though 
formerly  active  members  of  the  American  party,  and  to  whom 


AS  NATIONALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PAHTY. 

tho  tiiilion  o\\ (•>  (>v.Tl;i^tini;"  ^Taliliidc.  Ali'ain,  all  honor  to 
till-  patriotic  liaiid  ol"  yoimii'  ncmorratic  soldiers  who  hy 
the  hundriMl  thousand  llockiMl  to  the  I'liioii  standard,  at  the 
fall  of  Sumter,  .'uul  without  whose  aid  the  Rebellion  might 
have  l)eeome  of  doubtful  issue  !  It  would  he  invidious,  in- 
deed, did  we  stop  here  and  deny  eredit  and  honor  to  th:it 
hiirher  elass  of  old  and  aekv.owlediifed  Democratic  leaders 
Avho  ?;prun<r  to  arms  at  the  first  shot  of  the  Rel)ellion,  buckled 
on  their  armor  for  the  tield,  and  flew  first  to  the  front,  and 
there  remained  during  the  war,  amid  its  trials  and  dangers, 
to  the  last,  standing  by  the  armies  luider  -their  control, 
watched  over  their  wounded  and  dead,  and  who  have  cared 
for  their  widows  and  orphans  ever  since,  as  their  best  friend. 
Many  others,  whose  duties  called  them  to  the  halls  of  legis- 
lation instead  of  the  field,  have  i)r()ved  the  most  valuable  of 
Republican  partisans  and  devotees  of  the  Union.  The 
claims  of  such  to  our  gratitude  cannot  and  ought  not  to  be 
ignored. 

To  the  young  Republicans  and  Unionists,  whose  early 
education  and  principles  had  firmly  established  their  minds 
against  slavery  in  all  its  forms,  as  the  greatest  of  crying 
evils,  and  which  was  to  be  restricted  and  put  down  by  all 
constitutional  means,  3^et  who  flew  into  the  Union  ranks  and 
formed  an  army,  at  early  call,  to  which  then'  devoted  their 
lives,  all  honor  !  The  nation  remembers  their  service,  but,  in 
many  respects,  have  as  yet  failed  to  do  them  full  justice.  The 
dead  that  had  fallen,  the  million  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of 
every  State  in  the  Union,  are  remembered,  and  their  graves 
are  annuall}'  decorated  ;  but  the  living  do  not  receive  their 
just  due  of  the  sympathy  and  practical  support  of  the  nation. 
The  influences  of  the  American  party,  so  far  as  it  aided  in 
carrying  out  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  either 
North  or  South,  should  not  be  ignored,  neither  should  the 
Free  Democracy,  which  fortunately  is  all  that  is  now  left  of 


XATIONALITY    OF    THE    KEPUBLICAX    PARTY.  49 

the  old  party,  except  in  name,  be  denied  the  credit  for  what 
it  did  once  for  frec-dom  and  tlie  Republican  party.  If  it  is 
asked  hy  the  unknowing  ones,  in  what  especial  way  the 
American  party  was  mudc  to  serve  the  Republican  party 
during  the  first  years  cf  its  organization,  it  can  be  answered 
in  few  words;  viz.,  "It  submitted  gracefully  to  a  perfect 
capture  b}'  the  Repul)lican  party  in  the  Xorthern  States." 

Its  surrender  gained  some  years  of  advance  to  the  Re- 
publican organization,  and  furnished  it  some  of  the  most 
talented  and  energetic  workers  which  any  party  ever  pos- 
sessed ;  and  moreover,  who  have  proved  to  be  the  most  val- 
ual:)le  servants  to  its  cause  from  first  to  last.  Its  National 
arcliives  in  effec^t  became  the  pro[)erty  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  furnished  the  first  regularly  organized  means  of 
communication  and  co-operation  from  State  to  State.  What 
few  active  Union  men  that  remained  in  the  South  during 
the  contest  were  generalh'  of  the  American  party,  and  before 
communication  l)etween  the  North  and  South  was  cut  off, 
and  after  the  close  of  the  war,  the}'  were  most  active  in  co- 
operation with  their  friends  in  the  North  in  preventing  war, 
and  estal)lishing  a  proper  peace.  The  fall  elections  of  1854 
were  o-enerally  carried  throui^hout  manv  States  of  the  Union 
l)y  the  influence  or  through  the  union  of  the  American  and 
Republican  parties.  The  cause  of  temperance  was  espoused 
by  both  parties,  and  became  a  leading  plank  in  their  respec- 
tive platforms,  while  the  private  meetings  of  the  American 
party  were  ever  conducted  under  the  most  strict  and  exem- 
plary temperance  principles. 

The  State  election  in  Massachusetts  that  year  has  often 
been  called  AvhoUy  "  American,"  but  that  was  not  the  case. 
Two  principles  as  a  whole  were  equally  strong  with  the 
restrictive  and  narrow  one  of  the  protection  of  American 
suffrage.  The  great  anti-slavery  question  and  the  temper- 
ance principle  were  powerful  agents  in  producing  the  result 


')()  NATION' M.rrv  or  Tin:  i:::i'rnLirAN  iwriTV. 

which  r()lh>\\  cd.  ( )iu'  dlhcr  inot'n(>,  l)i  iiiLjinu"  nhoiil  a  iini(<Ml 
ai'tinn  in  the  niiiids  nl'tht'  pcoph",  was  the  ovci-ihrou'  of  iho 
ohl  "  hcll-wcthcr*"  systcMii,  as  il  was  Icriiu'd,  can'icd  on 
l>y  the  \\  liii:-  i)arly.  For  many  yt-ars  the  loaders  of  that 
l»arty  had  Ixvii  c'cnlraliziiiLT  an  iiilhuMU'c*  in  the  hands  of  a 
few,  to  iMitiri'ly  control  ihc  many.  The  rising*  young  men 
that  oamc  np  who  chose  to  exercise  in  any  sense  an  in(h'- 
pcndent  choice  of  rulers  were  instantly  tabooed  b}'  the 
"ring,"  and  were  marked  to  bo  set  aside  in  all  })olitic'al 
positions,  while  others  that  were  willing  to  submit  to  the 
dogmatism  of  the  aristocratic  few  were  j)Iaced  in  j)osition 
of  influence.  It  was  difficult  for  any  young  man,  of  inde- 
pendent mind,  throughout  the  Slate  to  get  up  and  hold  a 
meeting  to  consult  for  the  general  good  of  the  peoi)le  in  any 
place  Avithout  the  impertinent  interference  of  some  of  the 
"ring,"'  either  in  person  or  by  representation,  who  made 
troul)le.  One  sample  of  this,  witnessed  by  the  writer,  will 
suffice  for  an  illustration.  A  respectable  young  man  of  the 
people,  who  had  served  his  town  faithfully  for  a  number  of 
3'ears  in  various  offices,  to  the  acceptance  of  all  except  the 
aristocratic  few  who  had  failed  to  control  his  action,  and 
who  was  a  candidate  for  re-election  to  the  Leo-islature  where 
he  had  served  one  term,  and  had  voted  always  on  the  side 
of  temperance,  was  confronted  by  an  o])ulent  importing 
merchant  wiih  the  assumption  that  he  should  not  )"un  again. 
This  gentleman,  who  had  had  much  influence  in  all  priinary 
meetings,  through  his  wealth,  though  he  seldom  went  to 
one  himself,  on  occasion  of  a  conference  meeting  of  the 
kind  mentioned  above,  waited  until  the  same  was  organized, 
and  then,  in  company  with  two  associates  of  his  own  im- 
perious l)earing,  marched  into  the  hall  and  up  to  the  Presi- 
dent's chair,  and  in  a  pompous  manner  protested  for  himself 
and  his  class  against  the  holding  of  any  such  meetings  for 
such  y)urpose  without  the  sanction  of  the  regular  Committee. 


XATIOXALITY    OF    THE    EEPUBLICAX    TARTr.  51 

THE  POSITION  WAS  SO  RIDICULOUS, 
And  the  coiiteiiipt  of  the  meetiiio-  so  plainly  written  on  the 
faces  of  the  audience,  that  of  his  own  accord  he  left  the 
assembly  without  another  word  of  utterance  ;  and  the  good 
sense  of  the  people  of  all  classes  present  suffered  him  to 
pass  out  without  even  rebuke,  and  proceeded  on  with  their 
business.  "  He  had  been  hoist  by  his  own  petard."  This 
illustration  would  not  be  complete  but  by  connecting  it  with 
the  future  of  this  same  old  plethoric,  good-natured,  rich 
Boston  merchant,  member  of  the  Whig  party,  who  sadly  be- 
moaned the  loss  of  his  personal  influence  over  his  neighbors, 
was  ever  willing  to  denqunce  all  who  early  entered  the  Re- 
publican party.  This  is  only  one  case  of  many,  but  is  illus- 
trative of  the  spirit  of  the  few  leaders  who,  in  the  last  days 
of  that  great  party,  had  got  full  ascendency  in  its  manage- 
ment. Heaven  forbid  that  this  imputation  should  attach  to 
the  thousands  and  tens  of  thoustinds  of  the  great  and  good 
merchants  of  the  country,  distinguished  pioneers  though  they 
may  be  of  wealth  and  commercial  power,  whose  hearts  are  ever 
in  the  right  place,  and  whose  only  political  fault  has  been  to 
suffer  the  party  to  wdiich  they  belong  to  fall  into  wrong  and 
selfish  hands.  Xo  party  has  ever  stood  in  this  or  any  other 
country,  nor  can  stand  and  hold  its  proper  influence  and 
power  over  the  people,  which  is  and  may  be  one  of  the  most 
sacred  of  ])lessings  if  properly  exercised,  either' by  depart- 
ing from  its  highest  standard  principles  or  in  suffering  itself 
to  be  led  from  its  real  practical  bearings  by  selfish  leaders, 
either  under  the  control  of  monopolists  of  wealth,  or  the 
simple  love  of  despotic  power  and  dominion.  There  are 
always  paroxysms  of  party  as  well  as  spasmodic  changes  in 
commercial  life,  and  generally  both  arise  from  the  same 
primary  causes,  affecting  the  moral  status  of  worldly  prosper- 
ity. In  the  one  case  it  is  by  an  lumaturiil  and  overstrained 
assumed  control  and  use  of  the  mind  and  muscle  of  a  pros- 


..l'  NAIION  AMI 'i     Ol'     IIIK     IM'.ITIU.ICAN     rM.TV. 

pcriiiLf  coiinlry,  without  its  couscMit .  nnil  in  the  other  it  is 
hv  just  sui'h  ;ui  unjustili;il>h'  use  of  ihc  uicmus  of  Iiiisincss, 
i-apit:il  or  prolits  ot"  ronnuiMcial  cntcriJrisc  ;it  hand.  'I'he 
iunMii>-»'  MUil  thirst  tor  power  iu  cither  i-ase  is  natural,  l)ut 
its  use  to  an  uiuiatural  deoroe  is  sure  to  })ro(lueo  reaction, 
trouble  anil  ilisapj)ointnicnt  to  its  votaries. 

The  election  in  JIusmchnseffs  in  the  autunni  of  1854,  as 
well  :is  that  of  some  other  States,  was  really  a  eoniproniise 
election,  and  its  general  character  during  the  canvass,  and 
its  results,  were  well  understood  and  ai'(iuiesced  in  by  a 
large  majority  of  the  voters  interested.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  dwell  upon  that  election  further  than  to  trace  its  national 
importance  to  the  future  of  the  Republican  party. 

Henry  J.  Gardner,  the  American  candidate,  ''a  temperance 
man  of  lonjr  standinir,"  and  a  consistent  anti-slaverv  man, 
was  elected  Governor  by  an  overwhelming  in:ijority,  while 
Henry  Wilson,  the  regular  Republican  candidate,  had  but  a 
small  vote.  This  is  fully  accounted  for  under  the  spirit  of 
the  preceding  exi)lan;ition,  by  Mr.  Wilson's  election  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  at  the  op^-ning  of  the  Legislature.  His 
character  as  an  active  statesman  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell 
npon,  nor  of  that  success  which  placed  him,  through  the 
influences  of  a  party  he  had  so  faithfully  and  satisfactorily 
served,  in  the  chair  of  the  Vice-President  of  the  Republic, 
^lassachusetts  also  elected  to  the  other  branch  of  Congress 
a  delegation  which  distinguished  itself,  at  least,  as  much  as 
that  of  any  other  at  any  period  in  our  history.  Some  of 
them  won  laurels  such  as  no  other  son  of  Massachusetts  ever 
wore,  and  all  were  distinguished  leaders  of  the  Republican 
jiarty.  The  same  may  be  said  of  some  members  from  other 
States  who  aftei'wards  tilled  both  the  Speaker's  chair,  as 
well  as  that  of  Vice-President.  The  State  election  of  1855, 
iu  Massachusetts,  was  intended  to  l)e  a  compromise  election 


XATIOXALIT;    of    the    IJEPrBLTCAX    PAETY.  .)o 

like  that  of  1854  ;  l)iit  the  restlessness  of  some  of  the  would- 
be  leaders  of  the  new  Kepul)lioan  party,  by  their  indiscreet 
action,  destroyed  by  their  own  impetuosity  the  ver}^  object, 
for  the  time  being,  which  they  desired  to  secure.  It  was 
claimed  by  the  fi'cnds  of  Gov.  Gardner,  who  still  largely 
held  the  po})ular  vote,  that  by  consent  of  all  the  leaders  of 
both  parties,  he  was  to  be  re-elected,  and  that  the  great 
objects  of  temperance  and  anti-slavery  should  not  ))e  lost 
sight  of  in  any  sense,  in  the  choice  of  all  other  State  officers 
and  meml)ers  of  the  Legislature.  For  the  purpose  of  union 
nominations,  two  conventions  were  called  at  Worcester  in 
the  autumn  of  1855.  These  could  not  agree,  as,  evidently, 
there  had  been  a  packing  of  the  conventions  to  defeat  the  » 
object  agreed  upon  by  the  leaders.  After  a  long  contest, 
the  Republican  candidate,  Julius  Rockwell,  prevailed,  being 
nominated  by  a  majority  of  seven  votes.  This  led  to  a  split 
and  the  calling  of  an  independent  convention,  which  renom- 
inated Gov.  Gardner,  who  was  elected  l)y  a  large  majority. 
He  was  again  re-elected  the  following,  which  was  the  Presi- 
dential year,  l)ut  with  more  Repu])licau  than  American  votes. 
Gov.  Gardner  supported  the  Repuldican  candidate.  Col. 
Fremont,  with  all  his  energies.  The  beginning  of  the  year 
1856  Avas  memorable  for  the  variety  of  its  political  contests 
for  ascendency,  in  making  up  the  successful  Presidential 
ticket.  Besides  the  regular  Democratic  claimants,  there 
were  many  others  representing  the  different  shades  of  op- 
position. The  old  AVhig  party,  especially  in  the  South, 
though  hardly  keeping  up  its  organization,  looked  to  John 
Bell,  of  Tennessee,  as  a  fair  exponent  of  their  principles, 
while  Millard  Fillmore,  Commodore  Stockton,  George  Law, 
Judire  McLean,  W.  II.  Seward,  Col.  Fremont  and  N.  P. 
Banks,  the  Speaker  of  the  National  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and    A^^  F.  Johnson,  Ex-Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 


;')!  XATIONAI.IIV    OF    TllH    lIKPnU.HWN    PAliTT. 

woro  :ill  jir>)niimMilly  spoktMi  (A'  ms  ciiiulidah^s  l)y  llicir  iniiiiy 
IVioiuls. 

'I'lic  (]U('>li()ii  with  those  siiu-crcly  interested  in  thoy;/v*ne/- 
pk's  I'f  tha  lii'pnhliran  porti/  \v;is  that  such  ;i  union  sliould 
1)0  made  ns  to  consolidate,  all  the  opposition  against  James 
Buchanan,  the  i)r()l)al)le  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party, 
■uith  a  view  to  his  sure  defeat.  The  generally  antag- 
onistic and  belligerent  character  of  the  Southern  Demo- 
crats in  Congress,  aided  by  .sympathy  from  their  Northern 
dough-faced  friends,  which,  culminated  by  the  unparalleled 
outrage  in  the  United  States  Senate,  in  the  attack  on 
Senator  Sunnier  by  P.  S.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina,  natu- 
rally drew  many  friends  of  freedom  to  Washington  for 
consultation.  ^lany  of  those  comnmnions  were  held  at  the 
house  of  Speaker  Banks,  where  were  often  met  the  influ- 
ential leaders  of  the  party,  and  friends  from  all  positions 
and  conditions  of  life,  as  well  as  many  Union  Democrats 
who  were  sincere  friends  of  freedom.  These  meetings  all 
proved  earnest  demonstrations  in  the  right  direction  for 
freedom,  and  resutled  in  the  call  for  the  People's  Conven- 
tion at  Pittsburgh,  February  22,  185(),  which  in  turn  i)re- 
pared  the  way  for  the  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia 
on  the  17th  of  the  following  June,  which  finally  nominated 
Col.  Fremont  for  President.  On  the  same  day  of  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Pittsburgh  Convention,  the  National  American 
party,  representing  all  the  States,  met  at  Philadelphia.  Rev. 
W.  G.  Brownlowj.of  Tennessee,  called  the  Convention  to 
order,  and  it  was  organized  without  delay  and  in  a  harmo- 
nious manner.  No  dissensions  arose  in  the  meeting  upon 
any  other  subject  than  upon  the  slav(;ry  question  ;  l>ut  here 
the  sentiment  was  divided.  Though  a  Northern  man,  Millard 
Fillmore,  was  nominated  for  President,  and  Andrew  Jackson 
Donalson,  of  Tennessee,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform, 
however,  could   not   be   agreed   upon,  and   the   Convcintion 


NATIONALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  55 

became  divided  by  u  bolt.  It  was  quite  apparent  that  many 
of  the  Southern  members  knew  very  well  the  great  danger 
pending,  in  the  cloud  hanging  over  the  Union.  Probably 
no  body  of  men  ever  met  where  the  sentiments  of  political 
union  were  urged  with  more  strength  than  there.  Many  ot 
the  Southern  members  were  moved  to  tears  in  their  descrip- 
tions of  the  feeling  of  the  South,  and  in  delineating  the 
dangers  of  disruption.  Ex-Governor  Call,  of  Florida,  then 
quite  an  old  and  venerable-looking  man,  was  fairly  overcome 
by  tearful  emotions,  and  had  to  take  his  seat  in  the  midst 
of  one  of  the  most  touching  appeals  to  the  forbearance  of 
the  North  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  which  was  ever  made  by 
a  Southern  man.  ]\Iany  in  like  manner  spoke  of  the  Union, 
which  professedly  was  to  be  maintained  at  all  hazards, 
though  slavery  became  destroj^ed  in  the  struggle.  It  is  due 
to  these  veterans  to  say,  that  quite  a  number  of  them,  in- 
cluding Parson  Brownlow,  kept  faith  and  remained  stead- 
fast to  the  end.  Some,  however,  of  the  most  brilliant 
speakers,  including  Percy  Walker,  of  Alabama,  who  at  that 
time  made  a  loyal  speech,  found  the  opposition  too  strong 
for  him  at  the  outset  of  the  struggle,  and  became  prominent 
as  a  leading  s[)irit  in  the  Confederacy.  The  Union  members 
who  would  consent  to  no  platform  of  principles,  except  one 
containing  a  positive  restriction  of  slavery  to  its  old  bounds, 
drew  off  in  a  body,  and  organized  their  meeting  in  another 
hall. 

There  was  to  be  no  more  equivocation  on  the  subject  of  a 
Presidential  candidate,  or  the  platform  on  which  he  must 
stand.  This  l)ody,  before  separating,  provided  for  a  meet- 
ing of  the 

ANTI-SLAVERY  AMERICANS 

At  New  York,  on  the  12th  of  June  preceding  the  Philadel- 
phia Convention,  which  was  to  be  held  on  the  17th  of  that 


•  ••'  NATION Af.iTv  OF  TKr-;  UKPrnr.iCAN   r\inv. 

iiKMith.  This  CoiivtMititm  nicl  cMrlv  in  ,Ii;ii(\  lo  ;i!(l  the 
iiominaliiui  at  Pliiladclphia.  ami  a  li\rly  conlcsl  (nisiUMl, 
niniiinii:  through  a  session  of  niiiny  days.  At  the  first  bal- 
lot, it  boonm  >  ai)i;aront  that  th'cro  wore  many  candidates  of 
eonsideral)le  strength,  l)nt  it  soon  became  narrowed  down  to 
(\)mnu)(l()re  Stockton,  of  \ew  Jersey,  Col.  Fremont,  then  of 
New  York,  and  X.  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  who  iinally 
got  the  unanimous  nomination.  Mr.  Ranks  did  not  desire 
a  nomination,  and  early  declared  to  his  fi'iends,  both  by  tele- 
graph and  letter,  that  he  wi)uld  not  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
candidate  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  whoevei-  he  might 
l)e.  Ex-Governor  W.  S.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President.  After  this  nomination  was 
made,  the  Convention  had  a  recess  till  after  the  Phila- 
delphia Convention.  At  Philadelphia  things  did  not  run 
smoothly,  ]Mr.  Banks  and  some  others  having  nearly  the  same 
strength  as  Col.  Fremont,  who  was  finally  nominated  for 
President,  and  W.  L.  Dayton  was  i)laced  upon  the  ticket  as 
A  ice-President.  The  Convention  adjourned,  with  nmch 
gloom  on  the  minds  of  the  principal  leaders,  on  account  of 
the  multiplicity  of  candidates. 

THREE  TICKETS  WERE  IX  THE  FIELD, 
And  it  was  well  known  that  though  ^Nlr.  Banks  would  decline, 
it  would  n(jt  remed}^  the  difficulty,  unless  another  indc- 
])endent  candidate  could  be  kept  from  the  course,  ^h. 
Banks  was  on  the  ground,  and  gave  a  letter  of  declination  to 
be  used  at  the  right  moment,  on  the  reassemblinjr  of  the 
Convention  in  New  York.  Gen.  Wilson  and  our  ^Nfas- 
sachusetts  members  of  Congress,  with  many  Western  mem- 
bers, headed  by  lion.  John  Covode,  of  Pennsylvania,  came 
down  to  aid  in  bringing'  al)out  a  reconciliation,  and  Mr. 
Seward  and  Thurlow  ^\'eed  gave  in  their  adherence,  but 
some  of  the  leaders  from   the  West.  mIio  were  of  foreign 


XATIOXALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAX    PARTY.  Di 

])irth,  were  inexor:il)le  against  any  change  of  the  ticket 
whatever  in  favor  of  a  compromise  of  any  kind.  The 
American  committee  at  once  as^rced  to  adopt  Fremont,  pro- 
vided  their  candidate  for  Vice-President,  Avho  had  l)een 
known  as  a  tirm  anti-shivery  man,  wa^  substituted  for  ]Mr. 
Dayton  on  the  ticket.  Florace  Greeley,  Mr.  Seward,  Pres- 
ton King,  Gen.  Wilson,  Thiudow  Weed,  and  nearly  all  of 
the  members  of  Congress  that  could  be  reached,  agreed  to 
the  proposition,  if  it  could  be  carried  by  the  New  York 
Convention.  On  tliis  agreement,  the  members  returned  to 
New  York.  Col.  Fremont  was  visited  late  the  same  night, 
and  willingly  left  the  whole  subject  in  the  hands  of  the  two 
committees,  who,  so  far  as  they  were  able, 

agrp:ed  upon  tee^ms  of  union. 

The  Convention  assembled  the  next  morning.  Mr.  Banks' 
letter  of  withdra-wjd  was  read,  and  finally  the  name  of  Col. 
Fremont  was  substituted,  and  the  Convention  adjourned  with 
ofood  feelinir  and  hi^h  hopes  of  success. 

Col.  Fremont  accepted  the  nomination  of  the  American 
party,  and  expected  also  a  nomination  from  the  Young  De- 
mocracy of  the  country,  which  was  not  eifected.  Some  tem- 
porary difiiculty  arose  between  him  and  the  committee  of  the 
Philadelphia  Convention,  on  accoinit  of  the  form  of  his  letter 
of  acceptance,  which  he  had  addressed  to  them  as  a  committee 
of  a  People's  Convention,  instead  of  that  of  the  Republican 
Convention,  lie  claiming,  as  it  was  called  as  a  People's  Con- 
vention, it  was  not  proper  for  him  to  adopt  the  name  "Re- 
publican "  in  b's  letter  of  acceptance.  His  letter,  written 
in  his  own  form,  was  tinally  accepted.  Thus  the  great 
union  of  all  the  anti-slavery  forces,  in  a  National  party,  was 
at  last  accomplished,  and  the  country,  through  that  party, 
was  to  commence  the 


.'•K  NATIONAMTV    OF    TllK    ItKPrRLICAN    PARTY. 

CONFLICT  FOR  SUriiKMACY 

James  lUichtiiiMU  and  .John  C.  Frcinont,  with  Millai'd 
Fillmore,  were  llie  caiulidate.s  heloi'e  llu>  people  lor  the  great 
offieo  of  President  of  the  United  States.  The  eondition  of 
the  eountry,  in  many  respeets,  was  dilFerent  from  that  of 
any  other  previous  Presidential  eleetion,  hoth  as  to  the  num- 
ber and  eharacter  of  its  population,  their  wealth  and  means 
of  ortlinary  sup[)ort,  as  well  as  the  peculiar  sensitive  condition 
of  the  loeal  public  mind  on  the  questions  of  slaver}^  and 
other  principles  of  moral  reform.  It  may  be  truly  said  that 
the  great  stirring  issues  of  both  the  previous  great  political 
parties  had  died  out,  and  were  not  really  living,  contestant 
issues  of  the  people  in  the  Presidential  contest  of  1856. 

THE  SUMNER  OUTRAGE, 

Added  to  the  old  question  of  the  slave  oligarchy,  made  that 
the  subject  of  agitation  in  the  North,  while  treason  to  the 
Government  was  already  a  fixed  fact  in  the  minds  of  the 
fire-eaters  of  the  South,  and  full  preparation,  so  far  as  it 
was  possible  on  their  part  to  make  it,  was  going  on.  Preston 
S.  Brooks  had  become,  through  his  dastardly  attack  on  Mr. 
Sunnier,  a  lion  at  the  South,  and  Northern  Democrats  did 
not,  in  many  cases,  withdraw  their  open  sympathy  for  him, 
disgraceful  as  his  conduct  was,  not  only  as  a  cowardly  bully, 
but  as  a  drunken  blackguard.  His  ciiallenge  of  Burlingame 
and  others  did  not  help  him,  even  in  his  o^vn  sphere  of 
rowdyism.  His  plea  against  the  journey  to  Canada  for  the 
duel,  on  the  ground  that  his  life  would  not  be  safe  in  passing 
through  New  England,  was  the  mere  subterfuge  of  a  coward. 
lie  was  soon  quieted  in  his  thirst  for  a  tight  of  this  kind,,  on 
receiving,  through  a  source  well  known  to  the  writer,  an 
intimation,  in  such  terms  that  he  couhl  not  well  dodge,  that 
a  challenge  would  be  accepted  by  the  late  Col.  Lander,  of 
Salem,  who  was  at  Washington  at  the  time,  to  fight  him  on 


NATIOXALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  59 

his  ou'ii  hearthstone  in  South  Carolina.  His  escape  from 
this  responsibility  was  through  an  empty  boast,  — the  threat- 
ening to  cane  the  Speaker,  while  the  House  was  in  session, 
on  a  certain  lixed  day.  It  so  happened  that  some  friends  of 
the  Speaker,  from  Massachusetts,  occupied  seats  behind  Mr. 
Brooks  at  this  session,  but  had  but  little  to  do,  when  the  time 
of  action  came,  to  keep  the  peace,  as  Brooks  was  so  drunk 
that,  in  attempting  to  rise  from  his  seat,  he  staggered;  and- 
at  the  loud  command  of  the  Speaker,  in  his  stentorian  voice, 
to  "be  seated,"  Brooks  fell  back  in  his  chair,  and  did  not  rise 
aofain  during  the  session.  It  was  not  altogether  an  accident 
that  found  the  friends  who  w^ere  there  to  keep  the  peace, 
provided  each  with,  a  good  cane  projecting  through  their 
pockets  down  the  leg  of  their  pantaloons.  When  the  ses- 
sion was  over,  a  Northern  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  took  Brooks  in  his  arms  and  carried  him  down 
the  steps  of  the  capitol  that  he  had  desecrated,  and  was 
never  a<>-ain  to  enter.  His  tragic  death  soon  after,  said  to 
have  been  caused  by  the  mistake  of  his  physician  in  apply- 
ino-  ice  to  his  chest  wdien  congested,  consio-ned  him  to  an 
unhonored  grave. 

Few  that  have  only  seen  the  smooth  side  of  political 
life,  have  an  idea  of  the  terrific  scenes  enacted  at  that  time, 
nor  the  real  perfidy  belonging  to  the  fire-eating  side  of  the 
slave  power  of  that  day.  But  little  doubt  exists  in  the 
minds  of  many,  that  the  celebrated  "rat-poisoning"  case 
at  the  hotel  in  Washington,  before  the  inauguration  of  'Sir. 
Buchanan,  was  intended  to  put  him  out  of  the  way,  that 
Breckenridge  might  be  inaugurated  as  President  in  the  be- 
ginning, and 

THUS  PERFECT  THE  SCHEME  OF  TREASON 
He  afterw^irds  tried  to  carry  out.    The  old  gentleman  n(>arly 
died,  but  lived  to  do  more  mischief  to  his  country  than  all 
his  predecessors. 


()0  \.\rii>\  M.iiv   OF  Tin;  KKrriir.ir AN   i'ai;tv. 

Tho  tiisl  iii(lic;ili()ii  i)f  (li.s.siiti.sractioii  with  llic  imit<'(l 
Pirsi(li'nli:il  ticket  ot"  1S,')(;  prod'cdcd  iVoiii  some  ol"  the 
leadiM's  oi"  tlu'  ii>r('iuii  cKnicnt  of  tlic  Ivcpuhliciui  pnitN'  ii) 
tho  AW'st,  whose  rosllessiics^,  hoth  tlieii  and  .siiu-c,  in  some 
0  ises,  has  proved  a  much  more  personal  matter  than  of  party 
importanec  or  eonso(|iieneo.  This  disatleetion  arouscMl  ji 
simihir  one  on  the  part  of  some  of  Mr.  Seward's  friends, 
who  were  disappointed  that  he  should  not  have  heen  the 
l\epul>liean  nominee  instead  of  Col.  Fremont.  The  Ameri- 
can section  of  the  party  went  viiJ!;oronsly  to  work,  and  the 
leaders  secured  a  fund  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  to 
be  put  U})  agiinst  the  same  amount  to  he  raised  b}'  the 
leaders  of  the  other  party,  to  meet  the  exi)enses  of  the  cam- 
paign. The  members  of  Congress  worked  hard  to  accom- 
plish the  objects  of  this  united  work  and  in  raising  the  neces- 
sary funds  to  carry  on  the  cami)aign  ;  l)ut  the  money  from 
the  other  side  did  not  come,  and  in  the  sections  most  vital 
the  campaign  was  conducted  in  a  manner  not  to  warrant 
final  success.  This,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  Mr.  Dayton 
did  not  withdraw  accordin<>'  to  the  aijrccment  of  the  leaders  of 
the  party,  made  a  split  ticket ;  for  many  who  had  personally 
pledged  themselves  to  this  object  were  chagrined  and  morti- 
fied at  the  result,  and  withdrew  altogether  from  the  cam- 
paign. ^Ir.  Preston  King  laid  the  subject  to  heart,  and  it 
is  doubtful  if  his  melancholy  death,  even  after  the  final 
success  of  the  Kepul)Iican  party,  and  his  own  i)olitical  pre- 
ferment to  a  high  position,  was  not  the  result  of  a  morbid 
influence  en*rendered  in  his  mind  in  the  besfinninor  throuji'h 
the  di*sappointment  in  the  Fremont  campaign.  Xo  money 
was  raised  for  the  campaign  of  the  Young  Democracy,  and 
their  just  ellbrt  went  l)y  default  at  last. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Democratic  party  went  on  in  their 
usual  mole  of  o})eration,  with  a  well-organized  constituency, 
ever  ready  to  fall  into   the   line  of  their  leaders,  and  carry 


NATIONALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  61 

into  office  in  rotative  order  those  who  had  been  on  the  line 
of  political  preferment  in  past  times  without  being  jostled 
from  the  position  for  them  that  custom  had  established. 
They  did  not  scruple  to  call  to  their  aid  all  the 

PRO-SLAVERY  FORCES  OF  THE  SOUTH 

Or  the  priesthood  of  the  Xorth.  The  latter  class  felt  it  no 
violation  of  their  sacred  office  to  touch  the  superstitions  of 
their  flock  both  with  the  idea  of  the  liberality  of  Democracy 
and  the  possible  fact  that  James  Buchanan  had  a  drop  of 
Celtic  blood  in  his  veins.  Fremont  was  defeated  under  these 
circumstances,  and  the  Southern  Confederacy  was  assumed 
by  the  Pro-slavery  Democracy  to  be  a  settled  fact  in  the 
future.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  this  could  have  been 
prevented  by  a  more  disinterested  personal  contest  on  the 
part  of  many  of  the  active  leaders  at  the  North,  and  by  a 
less  jealous  subserviency  to  the  foreign  element  in  favor  of 
the  unjustifiable  assumption  of  some  of  their  leaders  that 
they  were  not  sufficiently  considered  by  preferment  to  office. 
The  most  herculean  efforts  and  great  personal  sacrifices  had 
been  made  in  advance  on  the  part  of  the  active  members  of 
the  Republican  party  to  harmonize  all  opposing  forces  with- 
in its  ranks,  but  without  avail.  Some  of  the  best  of  men, 
and  most  useful  citizens  in  their  way,  had  become  dazed  on 
the  question  of  slavery  through  its  long  injustice,  and  their 
minds  become  cramped  through  that  influence  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  become  perfectly  impracticable  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  campaign.  Col.  Frcmoyt  himself  was  put  under 
such  surveillance  as  to  discpiiet  and  lead  him  to  remark  to 
his  friends  that  to  be  President  of  the  United  States  he  would 
not  sink  his  manhood  so  far  as  to  comply  with  some  of  the 
requests  that  the  small  politicians  liad  made,  which  they 
seemed  to  consider  perfectly  legitimate. 

A  veteran  anti-slavery  man  was  placed  in  his  house,  and 


Cr2  NATK^N AMTV    OF    Till"    KF.ni'.I.irAN    r\i:TV. 

l)ut  litlK'  could  tnkc  place  in  flic  line  of  "  political  inlcrvicw- 
ini:"lliat  lie  tlid  not  uvt,  until  it  hccainc  the  habit  of  the 
Colonel  to  take  his  callers  to  another  room  whenever  the 
votenin  intiuded  himself  in  any  marked  mtinneiMvhieh  he  was 
often  in  the  lial)it  of  doinii:.  In  some  of  the  States  the  ticket 
was  run.  as  tirst  agreed  upon,  as  Fremont  and  Johnson  ; 
while  in  otlun-s,  particularly  in  the  A\'est,  it  was  Fremont 
and  Dayton.  It  is  diliicnlt  now  to  estimate  what  the  conse- 
quences Avould  have  been  to  the  country  had  Col.  Fremont 
been  elected.  It  took  the  admihistration  of  James  Buchanan 
to  prei)are  the  way  to  a  formidable  secession,  which  the  ad- 
ministration of  Col.  Fremont  would  probably  have  prevented. 
If  this  construction  of  probabilities  be  true,  it  is  quite  likel}' 
that  to-day  slavery  would  have  existed  throughout  the 
United  States.  Thus  Providciice  overrules  the  l)est  plans, 
and  sometimes  what  man,  in  his  short-sightedness,  thinks  the 
highest  destinies  of  the  human  race.  The  Norman  conquest 
was  one  of  the  greatest  military  and  political  outrages  of  the 
civilized  world  ;  yet  through  that  act,  the  Anglo-Saxon  char- 
acter was  formed,  and  its  social  civilization  has  been  estab- 
lished, Avliich  now  penetrates  and  permeates  the  most  remote 
regions  of  the  globe,  it  is  hoped  for  permanent  good  to  the  hu- 
man race.  Few,  even  of  the  sternest  Republican  anti-slavery 
type  of  men,  would  have  taken  the  responsibility  to  pur- 
chase freedom  from  slavery  at  such  a  price,  had  they  known 
the  cost  before  emancipation  ;  but  a  Presidential  edict,  that 
"Slavery  must  cease  forever  in  the  United  States,"  went 
forth,  and  man,  willing, or  unwilling,  was  made  the  instru- 
ment of  doing  what  we  can  now  see  could  onl}'  have  other- 
wise been  done  at  the  expense  of  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  a 
million  of  men,  and  the  taxation  of  a  people  and  the  govern- 
ment to  its  highest  i)oint  of  endurance. 

The  political  condition  of  parties  in  1857,  1858  and  1859 
was  such  us  might  haA  e  been  expected  under  the  circum- 


NATIOXALTTY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.       Go 

stances.  The  Democrats  M^ere  in  the  juhilant  possession 
of  the  whole  power  and  patronage  of  the  Government,  and 
the  Southern  portions  Avere  confident  of  being  able  to 

CARRY  OUT  THEIR  DEEP-LAID  SCHEMES  OF 

SECESSION 

Without  much  difficulty.  They  reckoned  without  their  host. 
The  Repuljlicans,  now  a  fully  organized  National  party  al- 
read}'  triumphant  in  many  States,  were  massing  their  forces 
for  certain  success  or  a  Waterloo  defeat.  The  Republican 
Convention  which  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  was  unlike 
that  of  any  preceding  one.  It  looked  about,  and  then  acted 
with  discretion  and  a  determination  which  none  could  dis- 
pute as  genuine  and  true  to  the  great  end  desired  by  the 
whole  people  not  w^edded  to  the  forms  of  slavery.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  the  right  man  for  the  time  and  place.  His  con- 
duct as  a  man,  a  humanitai'ian  and  a  statesman,  both  before 
and  after  his  election  as  President,  was  such  as  to  command 
the  respect,  sympathy  and  support  of  his  owai  country  and 
the  world  at  large.  He  became  a  martyr  to  the  cause  to 
which  he  devoted  his  life,  and  his  memory  will  ever  live  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  as  an  example  of  the  highest  and 
truest  devotion  to  a  political  principle  which  any  party  ever 
yet  recognized  in  its  chief. 

It  is  not  necessary,  in  this  connection,  to  go  into  the  his- 
tory of  the  conduct  of  the  war  which  opened  at  his  inaugura- 
tion, or  to  speak  of  its  many  temporary  triumphs  and  defeats, 
until  the  whole  South  became  a  scene  of  devastation,  and 
the  North  a  settled  recruiting  field,  both  for  men  and  means 
to  carry  on  the  gigantic  but  fraternal  war.  The  great  draw- 
backs in  the  contest  were  those  that  would  l)e  natural  to 
come  up  under  the  circumstances.  The  restrictions  to  the 
word  of  command  for  immediate  emancipation,  though  er- 
roneous, were  well  meant,  and  were   on  the  humanitarian 


(VI  X ATTdXAT.TTV    (IF    TITT.    KF.PmT.Tr.W    PAUTY. 

siilc  ot"  llic  coiistitulioiKil  \"u'\\s  of  many  loyal  UnioiiisLs, 
\>o\\\  Nui'lli  and  South  :  l>ul  after  all.  tliroiiuh  this  iioii-lcct,  the 
war  was  i)i\)loni:'('il,  ami  hundrcMls  ot'thoiisamls  ol"  lives  were 
ijaeriticcnl,  so  many  iiioiv  homes  matle  desolalo,  and  thousands 
of  millions  ot"  treasure  spent,  that  all  would  have  been  spared, 
and  sjivod  it"  the  great  word  had  been  spoken  at  onee,  "The 
slaves  are  tree  I ''  It  may  not  he  necessary  in  this  eonneetion 
to  speuk  of  the  ]inrh/-burh/  manner  of  the  oriianization  of 
a  new  and  largo  army,  and  the  mistakes  made  and  the  injus- 
liee  done  to  individual  eharaetor,  often  against,  the  hest 
adviee  that  eould  ha\e  I)een  given  to  the  contrary.  Is  it 
not  fair,  at  this  remote  time,  to  contemphitc  without  heing 
invidious,  and  form  an  opinion  of  what  might  have  heen 
the  result  of  the  war,  had  the  advice  of  one  of  the  3^oung 
Massachusetts  generals  (Banks)  been  taken  in  the  outset,  to 
call  out  three  hundred  thousand  men  instead  of  seventy-tive 
thousand,  for  immediate  work  in  the  field?  Where  could  the 
Confederacy  then,  and  upon  what  line,  have  estal)lished  and 
maintained  its  "  ^lanassas,"  which  so  long  covered,  and  even 
sometimes  with  its  Quaker  guns  defied,  the  advance  of  the 
Union  army?  What  would  have  been  the  effect  upon  the 
Confederacy',  if  the  advice  of  another  of  the  ^lassachusetts 
generals  (Butler),  first  in  the  tield,  wlioso  connnission  was 
overslaughed  by  antedated  ones  to  others  for  political  effect, 
—  if  his  advice,  even  wdien  asked  by  the  Connnittee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  AVar,  had  been  followed,  early  in  18 (53,  to 
send  an  army  of  seventy-five  thousand  men  to  lay  siege  to 
Charleston  in  its  rear,  in  co-operation  with  the  fleet  in 
front,  take  it  in  a  week's  time,  and  then  proceed  to  the  in- 
terior and  pass  the  hot  season  in  the  Pineries,  and  join 
an  arm}' from  the  West  in  the  early  autumn,  and  then  march 
to  the  sea,  cutting  the  Confederacy  in  two,  by  the  Tombig- 
bce  River,  destrovinii"  all  their  connected  comnnmications, 
and  producing  the  same  ellect  accomphshed  by  Gen.  Sher- 


NATIOXALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  (35 

man  twenty  months  aftenvards?  What  would  have  l)een 
the  efFeet  if  the  advice  of  both  of  these  o-enerals  had  been 
taken  by  the  Government,  in  their  respective  places  of  dis- 
tant action,  to  prevent,  at  all  hazards,  any  commerce  with 
the  enemy  for  cotton,  sugar,  rice,  or  any  Southern  product 
whatever,  until  the  rebels  had  unconditionally 

LAID  DOWN  THEIR  ARMS? 
Why,  on  his  death-couch,  in  the  earl}^  part  of  the  war,  did 
another  bj-ave  officer  from  Massachusetts  (Col.  Lander)  de- 
plore the  condition  of  things  then  existing,  and  say  to  his 
friends  that  "the  war  Avas  no  place  for  a  smart  man,  who  was 
ever  headed  off  by  political  partisans,  that  knew  not  how  to 
perform  their  duty,  and  were  unwilling  that  others  should"? 
There  is  only  one  way  to  answer  all  this,  which  is,  that  it  was 
the  result  of  controlling  circumstances  through  the  weakness 
of  poor  human  nature.  All  the  passions  were  early  in  play 
for  place,  position,  power  and  gain,  and  the  usual  jealousies 
and  demonstrations  were  manifest  ever,  when  anything  lay  in 
the  way  of  their  accomplishment.  If  young  officers  took 
great  responsibilities,  and  were  successful  in  their  com- 
mands, when  entirely  beyond  the  reach  or  advice  of  supe- 
riors, they  must  be  overhauled ;  and  if  they  did  not  take 
such  responsibilities,  then  they  were  sure  to  be  censured 
as  derelict  of  duty.  An  example  of  this  is  shown  in  the 
case  of  the  brave  Col.  Tlol)erts,  who,  on  the  first  show  of  the 
treason  of  Crittenden,  his  superior  officer  in  Texas,  put  him 
under  arrest,  assumed  the  command,  and  routed  the  whole 
of  the  active  rebel  army  in  that  part  of  the  State.  Xot  get- 
ting- orders  or  pay  for  his  army  for  many  months,  and  need- 
ing instructions  for  future  action,  he  took  eighteen  stand  of 
colors  captured  from  the  rel)els,  and  proceeded  to  Wash- 
ington, the  first  knowledge  of  which,  on  the  part  of  the 
Government,  being  his   sudden  appearance  in  the  Adjutant 


(>()  N  A  TlnN  VLn-l     t^i'     1111:    i;  KITIU-ICAN     I'AIII'V. 

(uMUTalV-  ollict>  with  lii^  lro|)liii's,  which  he  lUDilt'slly  oU'ercd 
to  lh:il  oHicer.  "  W'hnt  nrc  you  hrrc  i\n\  sir?"  siiid  the 
Ajljul.-mt  (iciuM'iil.  "  I-<''»y  down  your  hiiiidlr  and  ii'o  l);u'k 
to  'l\*x:is  ior  ordtM's."  This  is  (ho  sample  of  some  admin- 
istrative aelion  of  the  Government,  throuii'h  the  jeah)iisy 
of  its  ohl  ollicers,  not  yet  removed  from  their  [)Ositions. 
All  these  thina's  show  the  diflieultics  under  whieh  Mv.  Lin- 
coln had  to  labor,  which  were  not  removed  through  the 
whole  term  of  his  successor,  Andrew  Johnson.  When 
l^eaee  was  proclaimed,  and  the  victorious  hosts  were  mus- 
tered out,  and  returned  to  their  homes,  many  came  with 
them  who  had  justly  earned  distinction  from  the  ranks, 
as  Avell  as  those  in  the  highest  command.  It  was  a  po[)u- 
lar  theme  of  the  people  to  compliment  the  returned  soldier, 
and  to  dwell  u})()n  the  l)ravery  and  patriotism  of  his  ser- 
vice in  the  field.  In  some  cases  this  demonstration  went 
beyond  mere  compliment,  and  remunerative  position  was 
ofiven  to  the  wounded  and  maimed.  In  some  cases  also  the 
soldier's  voice  was  soon  heard  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  and 
in  high  executive  position.  But  is  it  not  the  fact  that  the  spirit 
of  honoring  the  living  has  been  too  often  transferred  solely 
to  the  graves  of  the  dead?  Flas  the  Republican  party,  as  a 
party,  done  justice  to  the  l)rave  soldiers  who  fought  and 
maintained  the  Union  so  long  under  their  charge  ?  This  ques- 
tion is  a  legitimate  one  for  every  Republican  to  ask,  and 
then  answer  with  future  interest  and  emphasis.  Massachu- 
setts has  done  her  duty  in  bringing  the  Republican  party 
to  the  front,  whoever  may  say  to  the  contrary.  Gardner, 
Banks  and  Andrew  served  the  State  well  in  its  highest  ex- 
ecutive office  during  the  birth  and  sponsorship  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  and  the  latter  occupied  that  high  and  responsible 
position  during  its  baptism  of  blocKl. 


NATION ALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  67 

THE  FITNESS  OF  JOHN  A.  ANDREW, 
And  his  integrity  of  heart  and  action  during  the  most  peril- 
ous time  the  State  ever  knew,  cannot  be  doubted.  His  life 
went  out  throuo;!!  his  zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  the  inteo;- 
rity  of  the  State  he  represented  in  the  great  battle  for  the 
Union. 

The  election  of  the  first  general  of  the  Republic  to  its 
highest  executive  position  after  he  had  conquered  the  peace 
so  long  desired  and  fought  for,  was  a  fitting  compliment  to 
his  honesty,  firmness  and  true  patriotism,  which  has  been 
denied  by  none  after  laborious  service  through  two  terms  of 
the  administration.  This  public  acknowledgment  at  every 
hand  has  not  been  confined  to  his  own  country ;  but  in  a 
most  remarkable  manner  has  been  accorded  by  almost  all 
civilized  governments  and  citizens  of  the  world  since  visited 
by  him.  The  name  of  President  Grant  will  be  known,  and 
his  character  appreciated,  as  long  as  the  history  of  the 
country  shall  remain  a  record  for  the  guidance  of  genera- 
tions yet  to  come.  The  general  commercial  relations  of  the 
whole  country  were  pretty  well  established  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Gen.  Grant,  and  have  continued  to  enlarge 
and  advance  under  that  of  President  Hayes,  who  has  done 
and  is  doing  his  best  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  all  the  in- 
dustrial interests  of  the  country. 

The  influence  of  a  popular  name,  and  the  ancient  organi- 
zation of  the  Democratic  party,  was  shown  at  the  last  Presi- 
dential election.  The  new  Constitution  had  to  be  received 
as  a  settled  fact  by  all  loyal  Democrats,  and  the  old  slavery 
issues,  which  for  the  past  thirty  years  had  been  the  strongest 
elements  in  binding  the  party  together,  were  necessarily 
cast  aside,  leaving  l)ut  little  to  rally  upon  but  its  name  and 
organization.     Few  of  its  national  principles  had  been  real- 


68  NATIONALITY     OF    TIIK     liKrilUJCAN     I'AiriV. 

I/amI  ;is  laid  down  in  lli(>  ivpoiilotl  philfoinis  of  the  piirly  lluit 
li;ul  horn  Itniuirht  before  the  people  lor  thirty  veiirs  ;  yet  the 
re;ietion:irv  inlhienees  of  the  \v;ir,  and  the  traditions  of  the 
party,  produeed  and  l)roui:ht  out  a  surprising  vote  at  the 
polls.  The  Kepuhliean  party  has  a  mueh  greater  right  to 
the  name  "  Demoeratic "  than  has  the  party  bearing  that 
name,  so  far  as  it  is  an  exponent  of  the  real  rights  and 
l)rivileges  of  the  people,  and  an  aetive  agent  in  protceting 
these  rights.  At  any  rate,  judging  from  the  text  of  its  plat- 
forms for  twenty  years,  it  is  praetically  a 

''  DEiMOCRATIC  REPU1».ICAN  PARTY." 
The  issue  of  State  rights  as  they  can  now-  only  be  claimed 
under  the  Constitution,  is  as  appropriate  to  a  platform  for 
the  Republican  as  to  the  Democratic  party.  It  will  be  the 
fault  of  the  Rcpul)lican  party  if  it  allows  the  Demoeratic 
part}'  to  assume  exclusively  any  one  of  the  great  live  issues 
of  the  day.  There  is  not  one  point  left  for  it  which  the 
Republican  party  may  not  with  consistency  adoi)t  in  its 
future  creed.  It  is  an  obvious  fact  that  the  integrity  of  our 
National  Government  can  in  the  future  be  maintained  only 
through  the  integrity  of  the  State  Governments  which  com- 
prise  it  ;  the  central  reserving  to  itself  only  that  power 
which  shall  ever  secure  to -itself  a  i>erfect  nationality,  with 
power  to  maintain  itself.  Thus  the  Democratic  party  has 
not  the  opi)ortunity  to  take  to  itself  any  exclusive  i)rinciple 
in  the  administration  of  the  (Government  which  the  Republi- 
can party  may  not  assume  ;  Avhile  all  the  force  of  the  old 
Democratic  principle  which  for  so  many  years  seemed  par- 
amount, has  expended  itself,  and  that  party  is  now  left  to 
gather  strength  from  outside  sustaining  powers,  or  sink. 
It  is  nf)t  the  same  with  tlie  Repul)lican  party,  which  has  live 
issues  at  command,  without  going  out  of  the  s[)here  of  in- 
fluence it  has  worked  in  for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 


NATIOXALTTY    OF    THE    EEPITBLTCAX    PARTT.  69 

Em;incip;ition  of  four  million  slaves  in  Americti  "was  fol- 
lowed b}'  the  freedom  of  ten  times  that  number  of  serfs  in 
Russia.  The  policy  of  all  governments  of  the  earth  is  now 
against  involuntary  servitude,  and  in  favor  of  free  labor,  as 
a  principle.  The  United  States  now  occui:)ies  a  position 
which  no  Republic  ever  before  possessed,  in  the  minds  of  the 
civilized  world.  It  is  yet  in  its  childhood,  if  not  infancy,  of 
rise  and  influence.  With  a  territorj^  large  enough  to  prop- 
erly sustain  500,000,000  souls,  and  a  climate  and  variety  of 
soil  equal  to  the  production  of  every  necessary  need,  both 
in  the  way  of'  food  and  clothing,  or  mechanical  or  artistic 
luxury,  for  the  development  of  human  progress,  it  should  not 
fall  back  or  restrict  its  civilizing  influence  over  the  whole 
globe.  Its  physical  and  mental  force  is  equal  to  that  of  any 
other  countr}',  while  its  means  of  education  already  employed 
is  not  behind  that  of  any  other  nation.  The  Ilepul)lican 
party,  like  the  old  Whig  party,  is  and  will  remain  the  party 
of  progress  ;  and  Avith  the  proper  attention  to  its  further 
development,  it  can  bring  within  its  control  two  thirds  of 
the  voters  of  the  whole  countrj^  at  an  early  day  which 
are  now  in  S3'mpathy  with  it.  The  line  of  its  action  is 
already  marked  out,  and  the  machinery  of  party  is  in  good 
workino-  order.  If  it  does  not  make  the  mistakes  of  the 
old  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  it  will  be  the  dominant 
party  for  another  quarter  of  a  century.  If  it  neglects  the 
salient  points  in  its  own  stronghold, 

ITS  lifp:  may  be  of  short  duration. 

First.  The  principal  work  begun,  has  not  yet  been  finished, 
for  the  Freedmen  still  need  the  fostering  protection  of  a  strong 
government. 

Second.  Free  labor,  which  is  the  real  capital  of  the  coun- 
try, must  l)e  nourished  and  protected  as  a  special  means  of 
wealth  and  progress. 


70  \.\Tio\  \T.iTT  <^i"  Tin:  KF.rri'.i.ifvw  taktv. 

Third.  I".»liif:it  itui  imi-'t  hccoiiic  Iiolli  ;i  |)i':iclic;il  and  iiioral 
x'liool  lor  iiilcUcct  and  inii>rlc,  which  sliail  al  the  same  linu> 
idovatf  the  mind,  and  U>ach  the  liands  hi)\v  to  earn  a  liveli- 
hood. 

Foiirlh.  'i'hc  laws  of  (Mjualizalion  must  he  regarded  to  that 
extent,  that  honest  labor  .shall  be  remunerative  enough  to 
supply  the  proper  necessaries  of  life  to  the  emi)loye  while  it 
is  enrichiuiT  the  employer. 

Fit'th.  The  rights  of  the  middling  clas.s,  artisan  (u*  trader, 
who  really  cany  on  the  most  of  the  luisiness  of  the  country, 
should  iie  i)roteeted  against  the  ni()noi)olist  who  wouhl  crowd 
liim  out  of  honest  support. 

Sixth.  The  money  capital  of  the  country  needs  to  be  so 
reiruhited  that  the  small  operator  can  secure  a  share  of  the 
same  in  his  l)usiness  without  paying  exorbitant  rates  of  in- 
terest. 

Seventh.  Female  labor,  and  the  rights  of  Avomen  in  their 
lives  and  sphere  in  general,  should  be  respected  hy  all  law 
as  a  high  trust  to  man  ;  without  which,  any  nationality  will 
deteriorate  and  fall. 

Eightli.  The  laws  of  temperance  should  be  enforced  by  all 
the  practical,  moral  and  legal  powers  of  the  Government. 

Ninth.  Protection  of  the  individual  States  in  all  their  rights 
consi-stent  with  a  strong  central  government. 

Tenth.  The  protection  of  general  industry  b}'  law,  so  far 
as  to  keep  the  labor  of  the  countrj-  in  active  operation  at  all 
times  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people. 

Eleventh.  The  opening  of  the  pul)lic  lands  of  the  country 
to  the  real  .settler,  that  agriculture  should  keep  its  place  in 
the  proper  sustenance  of  the  country  and  the  world. 

Twelfth.  Such  discreet  expenditures  of  the  Government 
for  internal  improvements  as  shall  equalize  the  facilities  of 
commerce  and  industry  in  every  part  of  the  country. 


NATIONALITY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  71 

These  points,  us  unstudied  suggestions  in  form,  probably 
contain  the  life-germ  forces  of  the  successful  party  of  the 
country  for  the  next  twenty-tive  years  at  least.  To  leave  the 
Freedmen  without  political  support  now  would  be  like 

TURNING  A  BIRD  FROM  THP:  CAGE 

Tn  which  it  was  hatched  and  raised,  out  into  a  pitiless  storm 
to  stai-ve.  Not  only  should  they  be  protected  in  their  polit- 
ical rights,  but  be  educated  to  protect  themselves. 

The  apparent  conflict  between  labor  and  capital  is  becoming 
an  alarming  difliculty  in  the  political  and  social  prosperity  of 
the  country,  and  any  party  which  ignores  this  question  will 
foil  under  a  cloud,  and  lose  its  influence  with  the  people. 
The  real  capital  of  the  country,  being  mostly  its  labor  and 
property,  must  ever  have  an  independent  and  controlling 
influence  in  its  pohtical  management,  when  the  people  un- 
derstand the  question  fully,  which  they  are  fast  growing  to 
do.  The  latter,  wdiich  constitutes  ninety-nine  and  one  half 
per  cent  of  the  ^vealth  of  the  whole,  leaving  less  than  one 
half  per  cent  in  real  money,  will  soon  gain  the  ascendency. 
Wealth  will  l^ecome  powerless  against  labor  when  a  real  con- 
flict arises.  In  truth,  there  is  no  need  of  antagonism,  and 
there  will  not  bo  any  when  each  element  takes  and  keeps  its 
proper  place  in  the  economy  of  the  nation.  The  political 
economists  of  the  world  are  now  studying  this  question 
thoroughly,  and  it  is  hoped  that  such  compromises  will  be 
made  in  all  good  governments  as  will  satisfy  the  people  and 
save  conflict.  The  educational  system  of  the  country  has 
become  almost^  universal,  and  the  willing  appropriations  of 
money  are  even  more  than  is  needed.  What  is  now  wanted, 
more  than  anything  else,  is  a  practical  teaching  suited  to  the 
future  professions  of  the  student,  to  enable  him,  after  leaving 
school,  to  enter  an  advanced  position  as  laborer  or  artisan. 
The  equalization  or  distribution  of  the  earnings  of  the  mass 


1 1'  NATION  \i. 11  ^'   »'!•    iiii:   i;i".i'ria.i('AN    paktv. 

dt"  tilt'  p«'i)plt',  so  th:il  mIisoIuIc  \v;iiiI  sliall  1)(>  proNitlcil  Cor 
tlii'ouuh  (lie  :is,-oci.Mli\  (•  industries  ot'  tiic  |)('o])l(\  will  not 
only,  in  :i  liTciil  tlciiiHM*,  picNcnt  pauperism,  liut  raise  the 
aiuliition  ol"  tlie  needy  to  ludji  llieniselves. 

The  ii'reat  niiddlinu'  class  of  the  people  is  tlic  real  nursery 
tor  the  hiirhor  irrow  til  and  inaintonaneo  of  the  Gt)vernnien(,  as 
widl  as  of  the  population  at  lari^'e.  Since  the  war  this  class  has 
almost  disappeared,  throuii:h  the  groat  wealth  and  monopoly 
of  extended  trade  and  manufacture.  They  arc  the  practical 
balaiico-whecl  of  the  country,  and  their  sphere  must  aijain 
rapidly'  enlarge.  The  small  trader  and  the  mechanic  of 
twenty  years  since,  who  was  in  good  credit  an<l  influence  in 
his  locality,  both  at  the  banks  and  business  exchanges,  where 
there  was  need  of  his  influence,  has  little  opportunity  noAv 
tt)  procure  l)ankal)le  paper  and  get  discounts,  or  1)uy  his 
stock  on  such  credit  as  to  leave  him  hope  of  success  in  his 
business,  as  of  old.  The  question  of  currency  and  what 
constitutes  money,  is  already  liefore  the  country  in  an  ex- 
unrorerated  form  on  both  sides  of  the  ariJi'ument. 

CO  ~ 

Whatever  may  be  the  ultimate  legislation  necessary  on 

THE  QUESTION  OF  AVOMEN'S  RIGHTS, 

Certain  it  is,  that  in  the  broadest  sense,  socially,  morally 
and  politically,  the  question  is  no\v  l)efore  the  world,  and 
cannot  be  ignored,  though  the  wisest  may  not  know  yet  what 
to  do  with  it  as  a  final  principle  of  action.  The  Republi- 
can party  engrafted  the  question  of  temperance  in  its  first 
platform,  and  it  Ijclongs  to  that  party  to  nourish  and  sustain 
its  enforcement,  both  by  law  and  moral  suasion,  to  the  fullest 
extent  of  practical  })rohibition.  The  protective  system  that 
the  old  AVhig  partv  fostered  so  long,  cannot  yet  be  left  out 
of  our  industrial  system  of  the  real  encouragement  and  remu- 
neration of  labor.  It  is  a  proper  maxim  of  both  parties, 
that  the  public  lands   should   be  occupied  by  agriculture  as 


NATIOXALTTY    OF    THE    EETUBLTCAX    PAIITY.  73 

soon  as  practicalilo,  and  that  enconra<>"cnient  bo  given  to 
densely  popnlated  places  to  send  their  surpUis  help  to  farms 
for  self-snstenance  and  support.  The  question  of  internal 
improvement  is  an  acknowledged  necessity  of  both  parties. 

REPUBLICANS  OF   MASSACHUSETTS  ANI^  THE 
COUNTRY ! 

For  twcnty-tivc  years,  you  have  had  a  party  organization, 
and  for  nearly  twenty  y(?ars  of  that  time  you  have  held-  the 
Government.  The  inauguration  of  your  tirst  President  was 
the  signal  for  war,  and  your  first  official  acts  were  for  men, 
means  and  arms  to  repel  invasion  and  subdue  treason.  Your 
intentions  had  been  misconstrued,  your  acts  were  falsified, 
and  your  future  government  was  denounced  as  subversive  of 
the  civil  rights  of  the  nation.  Traitors  had  surreptitiously 
depleted  the  arsenals,  sent  our  ships  of  war  to  distant  seas, 
and  reduced  the  army  to  its  lowest  standard.  Instead  of 
coming  into  power  under  the  progressive  intiuencc  of  peace, 
with  hopes  and  intentions  of  uniting  the  strength  of  your 
party  in  the  true  development  of  the  unbounded  resources  of 
the  country,  you  were  required  at  first  to  hazard  all  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  Government  you  had  sworn  to  support, 
by  meeting  force  with  force,  and  battling  the  worst  passions 
that  human  nature  was  heir  to,  or  let  the  Union  be  destroyed. 
In  this  conflict,  the  highest  ideal  of  a  country's  moral  and 
religious  growth  must  for  a  time  be  clouded  by  the  constant 
call  to  arms  and  the  conflicts  of  the  l)attle-fields  of  anguish 
and  death.  How  you  fought  those  battles,  how  the  consoli- 
dated forces  of  the  Union  at  last  triumphed,  and  how 
peace  was  restored,  is  matter  of  extended  history  that  it  is 
not  my  duty  or  privilege  to  transcribe. 

It  may  be  justly  assumed  that  whatever  of  wrong  was 
done,  or  error  advanced,  in  this  long  and  trying  conflict,  was 
charo-eablc  to  accident  rather  than  motive.     It  will  not  for  a 


,   \  \  \rT(^\  \T.ITV    or    TTTF,    TtEI'TnTJCW    T'ATITV. 

lUDMU'iit  l)('  .itlmitlcd  lli.il  tlu'  ( iovciiuiu'iit  or  parly  in  power 
c'MT  intciuU'd  a  wroiii:-  oi-  Uiiowini^ly  piMiiiiUcd  nii  act  whii'h 
was  iiu-on.sistcMit  with  its  evci-drclai-cil  priMcii)U's  and  liij^li 
])uri)o.si's. 

A\'luMi  treason  was  oxliiiirnislicd,  llio  Government  rccon- 
>triuted,  and  (he  greater  portion  of  the  industries  of  the 
eounlry  beeanie  employed  in  i)i'aeeful  occiiputions,  then  a 
new  work  he<>-;ni,  which  it  may  he  your  i)riviU'ge  to  finish. 
The  credit  of  the  GovernnuMit  mu^t  he  maintained,  a  per- 
manent financial  policy  established  with  the  piiople,  commer- 
cial prosperity  revived,  and  agriculture  and  manufactures 
enlarged  and  jirotected.  This  is  all  a  work  of  time,  and 
cannot  now  be  accomplished  by  one  ])olltical  party  alone  ; 
and  your  own  immediate  action  will  determine  how  far  it 
will  he  youi'  i)ri\ilege  to  work  out  these  problems. 

YOUK  SOLDIERS  AVER?:  FROM  THK  PEOPLE, 

And  are  still  loyal.  They  were  ever  valiant  and  intre])id 
on  the  battle-tield,  and  with  })roper  appreciation  and  sup- 
port will  stand  by  you  in  both  making  and  sustaining  your 
hnvs.  The  people  are  as  ai)preciative  of  the  advantages  of 
peace  as  they  were  ready  for  the  conflicts  of  unavoidable 
war.  They  are  willing  to  be  led,  3'ea,  l)e  bound  by  silken 
cords,  however  strong,  but  will  not  be  driven,  or  submit  to 
chains.  Thus  intellect,  intelligence,  bone  and  muscle,  with 
devoted  hearts  and  patriotic  will,  are  all  at  your  service  if 
guided  aright  and  supported  with  sympathy  and  love  ;  but 
their  instincts  repel  avaricious  greed,  which  can  only  be  fed 
at  their  expense.  Against  this  they  will  as  soon  rebel  as  at 
any  attempts  for  the  destruction  of  the  Government.  The 
resources  of  the  country  arc  unbounded,  and  a  united  peo- 
ple can  develop  them  as  no  nationality  ever  before  did. 
Peace  and  plenty  can  be  found  at  every  door  when  the  l)less- 
ings  of  life  are  distributed  properly.     There  may  then  be 


GENERAL  BANKS'  ADDHESS.  75 

irch  men  as  well  as  poor  men,  there  will  be  good  citizens 
as  well  as  bad  ones.  The  successful  laws  of  life  are  impera- 
tive, and  the  history  of  the  world  in  the  past  should  ever  be 
a  sufficient  guide  to  the  present  as  to  how  the  laws  should 
be  framed  and  administered. 

Nations  have  risen  in  the  past  with  pillared  temples  and 
gilded  domes,  that  are  now  fallen  to  decay,  and  their  crum- 
bled walls  form  the  dust  of  the  sporting  winds  of  desert 
wastes.  Our  country  affords  a  broader  field  of  action,  and  a 
more  valuable  one  in  treasure,  than  any  historic  one  that  ever 
preceded  it.  Its  capacity  and  wealth  are  all  needed  for  the 
development  of  a  free  people,  with  a  mental  and  moral  com- 
pass, suited  to  civilization  and  a  christianized  nation,  such  as 
has  never  before  existed  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Political 
party  ever  has,  and  should  have,  influence  upon  civil  gov- 
ernment in  any  form.  How  great  the  need  and  how  sure 
the  reward,  if  the  future  of  the  Republican  party  of  the 
United  States  became  the  instrument  of  union,  both  in 
avoiding  the  errors  of  the  past  and  coml)ining  such  virtues 
as  would  secure  to  the  next  generation  the  blessings  that 
should  properly  result  from  the   industry  and  patriotism  of 

their  fathers  ! 

4 

GEN.  BANKS'  TWENTY-FIFTH  ANNIVERSARY 
ADDRESS. 
It  is  an  unusual  summons  that  calls  us  together.  Political 
parties  are  usually  of  such  tortuous  paths  and  sluggish 
growth,  that  it  is  not  always  easy  to  trace  their  origin,  to 
discern  their  precise  objects,  or  discover  their  founders. 
No  such  embarrassment  rests  upon  us.  The  career  of  the 
Republican  party  of  the  United  States  has  been  steady  and 
luminous.  It  has  commanded  the  fixed  attention  and  obser- 
vation of  the  family  of  nations,  and  the  celebration  of  its 
inauguration  a  quarter  of  a  century  since,  will  be  interesting 


7(>  OENM-:i!AI,    r.ANKS"    ADDKKSS. 

Mini  inslnu'ti\  ('  to  the  iVii'iids  of  {'wc  i^'ovcniim'iil  cvrrv where . 
ll"  there  ln'  no  pi'eecMh'iit  for  it,  it  is  our  (hitv  iiou'  to  make 
one. 

'I'he  <|uarter  o\'  a  eeiiturv  Avhioh  torniiiintos  with  tlie  present 
year,  ha:^  heen  an  eventful  })ei'io(I  in  every  part  of  the  world. 
It  witnessed  the  close  of  the  ureat  slrnsi^ale  for  the  freedom 
of  eonnneree,  and  the  contest  for  liheral  legislation  in  Kng- 
laml ;  for  the  reeoiinition  of  nationalities  and  races  as  the 
hasis  of  ]M)litical  government  in  the  Salvonic  States;  the 
union  of  the  States  of  Italy  ;  the  termination  of  the  tem- 
})oral  power  of  the  Pope  ;  the  Confederation  of  Northern 
(iermany  ;  the  dismemberment  of  Austri;i ;  the  creation  of 
the  German  Empire ;  the  extinction  of  the  Napoleonic 
dynasty  in  France  ;  the  overthrow  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  in 
Europe  ;  the  opening  of  China  and  Japan  to  the  civilization 
and  conmierce  of  Christian  States  ;  the  regeneration  of  India 
and  Asia ;  the  conmiercial  union  of  the  oceans  and  seas  of 
the  world  ])y  the  Suez  Canal ;  the  international  expositions 
of  the  industries  of  the  people  ;  the  increasing  power  of  the 
press ;  and  the  more  general  and  higher  regard  for  the  edu- 
cation and  lil)erties  of  the  people  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 
These  must  be  considered  as  among  the  most  important 
events  of  modern  history.  Ijiit  no  one  of  these  incidents 
in  the  progress  of  civilization,  exceeds  in  interest  or  im- 
portance the  simple  and  spontaneous  act  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  in  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party. 
Could  we  justly  measure  its  ultimate  as  well  as  immediate 
induence  upon  the  welfare  and  liberties  of  mankind,  pos- 
sibly it  might  be  said,  without  exaggeration,  that  it  equals 
in  importance  any  or  all  the  incidents  in  the  history  I  have 
n;uTated,  which  have  commanded  so  much  of  the  attention 
and  strength  of  ni'ii  and  nations  during  t-he  last  quarter  of 
a  centuiy. 

To  be  justly  coinpi'dn'iided,  it  nmst  be  considered  as  the 


GENERAL  BANKS'  ADDRESS.  77 

disintercstod  and  spontaneous  act  of  the  people,  without 
organization,  Avitliout  a  knowledge  of  their  numeral  strength, 
without  wealth,  Avithout  the  support  of  the  pul)lic  press,  and 
without  hope  of  success,  except  so  far  as  it  should  be  found 
in  the  triumph  of  the  great  cau?e  it  represented,  the  preser- 
vation of  the  Union  and  non-extension  and  possibly  the 
ultimate  abolition  of  chattel  slavery  under  the  Government 
of  the  Unitcd'Statcs. 

Looking  back  to  the  helpless  and  hopeless  condition  of 
the  opponents  of  slavery  at  the  period  of  its  organization, 
every  friend  of  humanity  in  every  part  of  the  world  must 
regard  Avith  amazement  the  magnitude  of  its  triumph  and 
the  terrible  rapidity  of  its  consummation. 

In  1854,  the  epoch  of  the  organization  of  the  Republican 
party,  every  State  Government  was  controlled  by  one  or  the 
other  of  the  two  great  parties  representing  the  earlier  tra- 
ditions of  the  country.  The  ncAv  organization  was  obliged, 
at  the  start,  to  confront  the  sentiment  of  nationality,  the 
political  creeds  of  the  long-established  parties  of  the  Union, 
the  interest  of  capital  and  commerce,  the  prejudices  of  many 
of  the  educated  and  professional  classes,  and  the  interest  of 
all  people  who  Avere  in  any  AA\ay  connected  with  the  domi- 
nant and  despotic  political  poAA^er  of  that  period. 

Every  department  of  the  Federal  GoAxrnment,  executive, 
legislatiA-e  and  judicial,  its  diplomatic  and  consular  repre- 
sentatives, its  army  and  naA^y,  AAxre  under  the  control  of  that 
section  of  the  Eepublic  which  assumed  that  the  Federal 
Union  existed  l)y  the  consent  of  each  of  the  States  of  Avliich 
it  Avas  composed,  aud  that  slavery  Avas  a  fundamental  insti- 
tution, without  Avhich  it  could  not  exist,  Avhich  Avas  never  to 
be  disturl)ed,  and  must  be  protected  Avherever  the  authority 
or  the  flag  of  the  Union  Avas  recognized. 

It  represented  the  concentrated  capital,  the  social  and  po- 
litical poAver  of  the  country.      It  had   strength  to  destroy 


78  nF.XF.KAL    RAXKS'    ADDKESR. 

;uiv  pnrtv,  I'l.'iss,  inlrrcst  or  iiulividiial  tlinl  rcsislod  or(|iios- 
tioiu>il  its  ;uilli()rit\  ,  or  lu'sit:it('{l  to  support  its  monstrous 
usuri):itions  and  dojiinjis.  And  it  soomcd  as  ii'  most  of  the 
i^ovornmonts  of  Kuropo  approved  its  ])urposos  and  believed 
in  its  sueeess. 

Il  \\:is  with  such  a  ixnver  that  the  Republican  party  Mas 
obliged  to  contend  at  the  instant  of  its  creation.  In  seven 
years  from  the  period  of  its  orixanization,  those  opposite  and 
hostile  forces  met  each  other  on  the  Held  of  battle.  Four 
years  later  that  relentless  and  godless  power,  that  for  three 
quarters  of  a  century  liad  ruled  this  country  with  iron  and 
blood,  Avas  defeated  and  destroyed.  Its  fields  had  l)een 
overrun  by  armies  ;  its  young  men  slaughtered  upon  the 
field  of  blood  ;  its  people  decimated  ;  its  property  destro}ed  ; 
its  slaves  emancipated;  its  pretended  chief  executive  magis- 
trate, in  an  miappropriate  aiid  dilapidated  costume,  was  a 
futritive  from  justice,  and  the  connnand(>r  of  its  armies  look- 
ino-  for  some  ajiple  tree  wdiere  he  could  surrender  the  shat- 
tered remnant  of  his  forces,  and  receive  the  protection  of 
the  government  they  hoped  to  destroy. 

With  such  recollections  on  such  an  occasion  the  l)oldest 
man  may  well  refrain  from  exhortation  or  comment.  It  is 
enough  for  us  to  say,  as  Balak  said  to  the  son  of  Zippor, 
''What  hath  God  wrought?" 

The  first  Republican  Convention  was  held  in  Micliigan  the 
Oth  of  July,  1854.  Wisconsin,  A^ermont,  Ohio  and  Indiana 
held  conventions  the  13th  of  July.  Massachusetts  held  its 
Convention  July  20  of  the  same  year.  Other  States  fol- 
lowed in  rapid  succession,  and  at  the  Presidential  election 
of  1«.5(),  the  Re[)u1)lican  party,  but  i'or  the  brutal  passion 
and  power  of  its  adversary,  would  have  achieved  a  triumph 
that  might  have  saved  the  country  the  blood  and  treasure 
sacrified  in  the  civil  war.  In  1«()0  its  victory  could  not 
•ivei-t  that  terrible  cMlaniity. 


CxEXERAL    banks'    ADDEESS.  79 

The  grand  object  of  its  organization  has  been  completely 
established.  The  union  of  States  has  been  preserved ;  the 
institution  of  slavery  has  been  destroyed ;  the  primal  and 
ultimate  aspirations  of  its  patriotic  founders  have  been  com- 
pletely realized  ;  and  other  paths  have  been  opened  to  other 
triumphs  of  justice,  equalit}^  and  liberty,  of  which  men  in 
other  countries  have  scarcely  dared  to  dream,  much  less  to 
hope  for. 

The  preserA'ation  of  the  American  Union  will  encourage 
and  strengthen  the  sons  of  liberty  in  other  lands  in  their 
contest  for  the  privileges  we  are  still  permitted  to  enjoy. 
Its  destruction  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  Eepubli- 
can  Government  in  America  would  have  left  them  helpless 
and  hopeless  in  their  battles  against  the  despotisms  of  so 
many  centuries  and  so  many  victories.  The  abolition  of 
American  slaver}^  has  already  strengthened  the  hand  of  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  in  the  emancipation  of  twenty  million 
serfs  in  that  countr}^.  It  has  encouraged  the  Emperor  of 
Brazil  to  ensure  and  hasten  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  his 
empire.  And  its  l)enign  influence  will  not  sufler  let  or  hin- 
drance in  its  onward  and  upward  movement,  until  slavery 
shall  cease  in  the  Spanish  American  possessions,  especially 
in  Cuba,  the  last  refuge  of  the  worst  type  of  slavery  and 
the  slave  trade. 

,The  triumph  of  the  Government  in  the  Rebellion  will 
satisfy  the  enemies  as  well  as  the  friends  of  lil)erty  that 
Republics  are  potential  in  war  as  in  peace,  and  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union  armies  at  the  close  of  the  war,  with  the 
instantaneous  and  peaceful  return  of  the  soldiers  to  the 
vocations  of  civil  life,  their  readiness  to  assist  in  the  payment 
of  war  debts,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  National  credit  in 
all  its  forms,  will  strengtluni  the  faith  of  man  in  the  practi- 
cability as  well  as  justice  of  governmcmts  by  the  people. 

The   oriranization   of  irovernment   in   the   old   world   Avas 


NO  (:i;m:i;.\i,  I'.anks*   addimoss.  * 

ioinulcd  upon  llic  priiuipl*'  that   its  siibjccls   were   hound   to 
tlu>    rulers    umlrr    whom    llicy    were    hoi'ii,    and    that    their 
(•hihh-i>n,    wheic'ver    they    niiuht    he,    were   still   held    in  an 
indissoluhh>  and  perpetual  alleiiianee  to  the  third  and  fourth 
licnerations,  and  perhaps  forever  (as  their  legists   state   the 
(Un'trine),  exiH'pt   they   are   reh^ased    hy   those   clainiing  al- 
leiiianee.    The  Anieriean  lvei)iil)lie  'svas  organized  npon  the 
prineijjle  that  human  beings  belonged  to  themselves,  and  not 
to  their  rulers,  and  ought  to  come  and  go  at  their  pleasure. 
In  the  last  (juarter  of  a  century  we  have  caused  our  doctrine 
of  individual  lil)erty  to  be  recognized,  and  that  of  perpetual 
and  indissoluble  allegiance  to  be  al)andoncd  by  most  of  the 
great  States  of  the   old  world.     Fifteen  or  twenty  of  the 
European   Governments   have    negotiated  treaties   with   us, 
stipulating  that  naturalized  Americans,   though  born  under 
the  Governments  signing  the  ti*eaties,  shall  1)c  treated,  while 
in  their  dominion,  as  though  they  were  native-born  citizens 
of  the  United  States.     We  have  thus  changed  the  very  foun- 
dation of  the  Governments  of  the  old  world  in  regard  to  the 
inalienable  and.natural  rights  of  citizens  and  su1)jects,  and 
the   Revised   Statutes  preserves  and  perpetuates  a  statute 
which  makes  it  the  duty  of  the  President,  whenever  any 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  naturalized  or  native  born,  is 
wrongfully  deprived  of  his  lil)erty  by  any  foreign  Govern- 
ment, and  in  violation  of  his  rights  of  American  citizenship, 
to  use  such  means  as  he  may  think  proper,  not  amounting 
to  actual  war,  to  effect  his  release.     This  is  one  of  the  grand 
triumphs  we  have  a  right  this  day  to  celebrate. 

"While  we  have  assumed  and  accomplished  so  much  for 
the  foreign-l)orn,  naturalized  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
we  cannot  forget  Avhat  is  due  to  the  native-born  citizen, 
whoever  he  may  l)e,  or  w'herever  he  may  reside  within  its 
jurisdiction.  His  rights  to  be  are  to  be  vindicated  at  what- 
ever cost,  and  against  whatever  assailant ;  his  right  of  free 


GEXElivL    banks'    ADDRESS.  81 

thought,  free  speech,  freedom  of  election,  and  freedom  of 
locomotion  and  movement,  without  molestation,  bulldozing, 
or  resistance  by  anj-body or  from  anybody,  mast  be  vindi- 
cated and  assured,  even  though  every  battle-field  of  the 
Union  is  to  be  again  contested  and  again  conquered. 

The  illustrations  of  American  character  which  the  Kepub- 
lican  party  has  presented  to  the  world  in  this  period,  should 
never  be  foro-otten.  The  name  of  Abraham  Lixcolx,  the 
Mart^-^r  President,  is  a  household  word  in  every  land.  The 
fame  of  Farragut  as  a  naval  commander  rivals  that  of  De 
Guesclin,  Von  Tromp  and  Nelson.  And  that  most  fortunate 
and  pre-eminent  man,  who  successfully  conducted  gigantic 
armies  through  a  long  war,  covering  a  territory  larger  than 
the  Continent  of  Europe,  who  was  twice  elevated  to  the 
highest  secular  office  in  the  gift  of  nations,  and  who  has  re- 
ceived, as  a  private  citizen,  the  voluntary  and  Avell-deserved 
homage  of  rulers  and  people,  of  potentates,  princes  and 
peasants,  in  every  civilized  state,  can  stand  unchallenged 
before  the  world  as  a  representative  of  the  moderation  of 
Republican  soldiers  and  the  integrity  of  Republican  magis- 
trates. If,  in  impending  calamity,  his  country  should  again 
need  his  services,  his  countrymen  would  not  hesitate,  on  ac- 
count of  the  evil  example  of  other  men,  to  .confide  their 
dearest  interests  to  his  patriotism  and  his  honor. 

The  volunteers  of  the  army  and  navy,  officers  and  men,  — 
for  every  defender  of  his  country  was  a  volunteer,  —  achieved 
a  distinction  which  is  without  parallel  in  military  and  naval 
history.  And  in  civil  life  it  has  glorious  memories  to  be  for- 
ever cherished,  —  Seward,  Chase,  Garrison,  Samuel  Hoar, 
Greeley,  Sumner,  Bryant,  Andrew,  Giddings,  Hale,  Bur- 
lingame,  Wilson,  King,  the  elder  Blair,  Covode,  Stevens, 
and  a  starry  host  of  lesser  or  greater  luminaries,  whose 
lives  will  light  the  way  of  men  and  nations  in  the  paths  of 
wisdom  and  justice  for  centuries  to  come. 


A  DDK  ESS  OF  HON.  OEO.  S.  BOUTWELL. 

Mr.  I'i;i:sii)i:n  T, — The  occ-isioM  \\hicli  l)r'm<;s  us  logolher 
is  not  ;i  I'tinnnon  (Uic.  Lt't  lis  couiii-aliilnle  oiir.sclvcs  that 
wr  aiv  nu'inhors  of  tlie  Kcpuhlican  party.  Let  us  enjoy  in 
nuMUory  its  earl}'  eonfiiets  and  its  later  triumphs.  Its  eareer 
has  hi't'ii  a  suceession  of  moral  and  political  victories.  What 
is  done  is  irrevocable,  and  what  ri'Uiains  is  sure  to  be  accom- 
plished, either  by  ourselves  or  by  others.  AVe  have  abol- 
ished slavery,  we  have  preserved  the  Union,  we  have  recon- 
structed the  Government,  we  have  made  American  citizen- 
ship a  common  birthright,  we  have  created  a  nationality 
which  is  distinct,  of  definite  powers  and  of  absolute  authority 
within  its  own  domain,  and  this  without  limiting  or  impair- 
ing the  just  sovereignty  of  States.  No  other  party  has 
done  so  much,  and  vain  is  the  hoi)c  that  any  other  part}'  can 
do  more. 

In  this  country  the  life  of  a  political  party,  as  a  l)arty  of 
power  and  of  administration,  has  rarely  exceeded  thirty 
years.  The  Kevolutionary  party,  of  which  Washington  was 
the  chief,  had  its  origin  in  the  contests  over  the  Stamp  Act 
and  the  Writs  of  Assistance,  and  it  ended  Avith  the  adminis- 
tration of  John  Adams. 

]Mr.  Jefferson  was  the  founder  of  a  new  party  with  new 
ideas,  which  held  power  through  the  administration  of  James 
Monroe  ;  and,  without  a  serious  shock  to  the  truth  of  history, 
it  may  be  said  to  have  embraced  that  of  John  Quincy  Adams 
also. 

Next  came  the  era  of  Gen.  Jackson,  the  founder  of  a 
party  whose  signal  peculiarities  in  the  beginning  w^ere 
extraordinary  personality  in  tlie  chief  and  the  broadest 
declarations  in  favor  of  human  rights  as  far  as  the  white 
race  only  were  concerned.  The  jx-rsonal  influence  of  Gen. 
Jackson  ended  with  the  administration  of  Martin  Van  Pjuren, 


ADDRESS  OF  GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL.  83 

and  the  cm  closed  with  the  administration   of  James   Bu- 
chanan. 

The  compromise  measures  of  1850,  designed  as  conces- 
sions to  slavery,  were  in  fact  most  important  contributions 
to  the  cause  of  human  lil)erty ;  but  the  passage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  in  May,  1854,  made  it  the  duty  of 
patriotic  citizens  to  organize  a  National  party  of  frcejclom. 

In  Massachusetts,  the  actual,  living  organization  of  the 
Republican  party,  which  continues  to  this  da}',  was  post- 
poned to  the  3^ear  1855  ;  l)ut  the  year  1854  is  memorable 
for  numerous  declarations,  both  personal  and  public,  of 
individual  and  organized  resistance  to  the  aggressions  of 
slavery.  The  year  1854  bears  that  relation  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  organized,  which  the  year  1776  bears  to  the 
National  Government  under  which  we  are  living.  It  was  a 
year  of  declarations,  a  year  of  solemn  pledges,  a  year  when 
thoughtful  and  serious  men  renounced  the  errors  of  the  past 
and  turned  their  steps  toward  new  and  untried  ways. 

In  the  quarter  of  a  century  now  ending,  the  Repul)lican 
party  has  been  in  power  for  nearly  twenty  years,  power  con- 
stitutionally acquired  always,  and  always  constitutionally 
exercised. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  if  all  the  events  of  our 
National  life  from  1789  to  1860,  had  been  crowded  into  .one 
ten  years,  they  would  have  been  inferior  in  magnitude,  in 
variety  and  in  importance,  to  the  events  that  occurred  from 
I860  to  1870. 

Gen.  Gushing  said  to  me  that  he  had  enjoyed  the  acquaint- 
ance of  three  generations  of  public  men  in  the  Government 
of  this  country,  aud  that  the  soldiers  and  statesmen  of 
Lincoln's  time  were  the  a))lest  that  he  had  known. 

Our  record  as  a  party  is  a  brilliant  one,  but  it  is  not  com- 
plete.    We  have  abolished  slavery,  we  have  saved  the  Gov- 


S4  \i>i>Ki:ss  OK  cKoi.'CK  s.   uori'WKiJ-. 

crnnu'iit,  wc  h;i\n'  (Ti'mIinI  Auu'rican  citl/ciisliii),  hut  we  Iimvc 
iu>t  yc>t  givi'M  to  that  citizciisliip  llic  scciiritv  which  the. 
National  ( i()\ iTuiiit'iit  has  capacity  t»>  furnish.  Other  j^artics 
may  ili-al,  other  parties  can  deal,  with  (jnestions  of  civil 
service,  of  trade  and  of  linanee,  and  while  the  Republican 
party  need  not  negle.ct  these  questions,  it  is  to  be  said  of  it 
that  it  .is  the  only  j)arty  that  has  I)oth  the  disposition  and 
the  cajiacity  to  guard  and  protect  American  citizens  in  all 
their  ri<i:hts  at  home  as  well  as  abroad.  And  let  it  ever  be 
remembered  that,  failing  in  this,  wc  fail  altogether;  and 
that  succeeding  in  this,  wc  shall  succeed  in  everything 
else.  Let  us,  then,  iirst  and  chiefly,  and  with  our  early 
courage,  deal  with  the  question  which  most  nearly  concerns 
the  real  welfare  of  the  country..  The  spectacle  of  citizens 
tieein":  from  their  homes,  l)ecause  in  those  homes  they  are 
persecuted,  oppressed,  deprived  of  all  rights,  and  where  for 
the  wront*^  they  sutler,  the  hlw  furnishes  no  remedy,  is  the 
saddest  spectacle  which  a  free  country  can  ever  present. 

Our  future  as  a  party  is  Avith  ourselves.  If  we  dally  with 
wrong,  if  we  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  cry  of  the  oppressed,  if 
we  consider  questions  of  trade  and  finance,  the  comment; 
of  the  sea  and  of  the  land,  as  of  more  consequence  than 
questions  of  human  rights,  if  we  neglect  to  exercise  all  the 
powers  of  a  great  Government  for  the  protection  of  its  citi- 
zens everywhere,  then  it  can  with  justice  be  said  that  the 
Republican  party  has  lived  as  long  as  it  deserves  to  live. 

But  if,  as  I  anticipate,  we  now  are  to  engage  anew  in  a 
contest  for  the  erpial  rights  of  all  men  with  the  zeal,  courage 
and  persistency  which  were  manifested  in  the  great  contest 
against  slavery,  Ave  shall  deserve  and  receive  a  new  lease  of 
party  life,  and  for  another  generation  keep  the  Government 
in  the  hands  of  those  by  whose  efforts  it  was  saved. 


LETTER    FROM    JOHX    G.    WTTITTTER.  85 

LETTER  FROM  JOHN  G.  WIIITTIER. 

Col.  Stoddard  here  read  the  followiiiir  letter  from  John 

G.  Whittier :  — 

A^rESBURY,  9th  mo.  12,  1879. 

E.  B.  Stoddard,  Esq.  — Dear  Friend  :  It  scarcely  needed 
thy  note,  or  the  stirring  bugle-call  of  the  Republican  State 
Committee,  to  awaken  an  interest  in  the  celebration  of  the 
•twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  the  Republican  party.  I  fear  I 
may  not  be  al)le  to  be  present  on  the  occasion,  Ijut  I  cannot 
forbear  to  express  my  hearty  sympathy  with  the  movement. 
Xo  one  who  has  not,  like  myself,  been  laboring  for  more 
that  twenty  years  to  awaken  the  country  to  the  evils  of  slav- 
ery and  the  danger  of  its  extension,  and  the  duty  of  oppos- 
ing it  at  the  ballot-box,  can  estimate  my  intense  gratification 
at  the  rise  of  the  Republican  party.  For  some  years  we 
had  tried  to  influence  the  old  ^^'hig  and  Democratic  parties 
and  induce  their  candidates  to  favor  our  ol^ject,  and  had 
been,  able  in  most  instances,  only  to  obtain  promises  which 
were  never  to  be  fulfilled.  In  1840  some  of  us,  wearied 
with  our  fruitless  efibrts  within  the  ranks  of  those  parties, 
broke  away  from  them  and  voted  an  independent  ticket. 
The  Liberty  party  afterwards  merged  in  the  Free  Soil  party, 
and  that  in  the  party  whose  formation  twent}--five  years  ago  is 
now  justly  deemed  worthy  of  celebration.  From  the  outset 
I  looked  to  the  ballot-box,  as  under  God,  the  chief  instru- 
mentality for  arresting  the  progress  of  slavery,  differing  in 
this  respect  from  some  of  my  esteemed  associates  in  the 
anti-slavery  cause.  I  trust  I  may  be  pardoned  the  egotism 
of  quoting  word3  written  nearly  forty  years  ago:  "The 
dead-letter  of  Republicanism  must  be  made  a  living  truth. 
Slaver}'  is  mighty,  but  it  can  be  overthrown  if,  in  the  name 
of  God  and  humanity,  we  bring  the  mighty  ballot-box  of  a 
kinglets  people  to  bear  upon  it."  The  Republican  party  has 
done  a  noble  work,  but  it  has  still  its  mission  and  its  duties. 


8fi  M)i>i;i'.>.^  oi"  <,'i;m:i;ai.   iukxsidk. 

ll  i>  MS  lUM-cssiiry  now  .-is  it  li;is  vwv  liccii.  ll  must  he  inain- 
taiiu'd  unlil  the  l»:illt)l-l)()\  cvcrvw  licrc  is  s;it'c  iVom  n  iolciu'C 
or  iiitiniidalion.  and  the  ti\il  riulits  of  every  clas.s  of  Aincri- 
ean  eitizens  arc  niadi'  secure  Ix'vond  llie  possibility  of  sup- 
pression or  infringement. 

1  am  truly  thy  friend. 

JOHN  G.  AVIIITTIER. 

GEORGE  WiAI.  CURTIS'  LETTER. 

AsiiriELD,  Mass.,  Se])t.  11,  1870. 
Wm.  S.  B.  Hopkins,  Esq. — Dear  Sir:  I  am  very  much 
honorcfl  by  your  invitation  to  unite  in  the  congratulatory 
meeting  u}>on  the  twenty-tiftli  anniversary  of  the  Republican 
l)arty,  and  I  am  very  sorry  that  m\'  engagements  compel  me 
to  decline.  ^Massachusetts  itself  is  the  perpetual  justification 
of  the  Republican  party.  Since  the  party  Avas  formed  the 
State  has  been  almost  constantly  under  Repul^lican  control, 
and  no  State  in  the  Union  has  been  more  truly  a  model  Re- 
public. 'May  yonv  meeting  stimulate  both  the  State  and  the 
party  1)y  ever-increasing  love  of  lilierty  and  love  of  country, 
by  intelligence  and  courage  and  tidelit}-  to  the  Constitution. 
May  ^Massachusetts  lead  the  way  in  making  the  future  of  the 
Republican  party  as  glorious  as  its  past. 

Very  truly  you\'s, 

GEORGE  WM.  CURTIS. 

GEN.  A.  E.  BURNSIDE, 
Of  Rhode  Island,  came  next.  He  was  introduced  with  a 
graceful  reference  to  his  career  as  a  soldier  and  a  senator, 
and  he  was  received  with  cheers  and  applause,  which  were 
renewed  after  they  had  once  subsided.  When  quiet  had 
been  restored,  he  said, — 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  — I  am  veiy  glad  to  l)e  with  you 
to-night,  to  join  with  you   in  this  great  celebration  of  the 


ADDRESS    or    MARSHALL    JEWELL.  87 

organization  of  the  Republican  party  ;  luit  I  will  not  by  an}- 
feeble  words  of  mine  mar  the  impressions  which  have  been 
left  in  your  minds  l)y  the  elaborate  and  eloquent  presenta^ 
tions  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  just  preceded  me.  I  may 
be  pardoned  for  saying  to  you,  however,  that  you  are  now 
on  the  eve  of  a  most  important  convention.  The  advocates 
and  friends  of  the  rival  candidates  will  join  issue  in  that 
convention  ;  there  will  be  great  contention  there,  and  the 
result,  whatever  it  may  be,  will  cause  great  disappointment; 
but  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Eepublican  to  bury  all  resentment 
and  all  disappointment,  and  move  forward  harmoniously  to 
victory.  The  State  of  Massachusetts  is  a  Republican  State, 
and  it  will  be  the  fault  of  the  Republican  party  if  the  State 
ticket  nominated  to-morrow  is  not  elected ;  if  such  be  the 
result  they  will  have  nobody  to  blame  for  it  l)ut  themselves. 
I,  therefore,  counsel  you  to  act  together  in  harmony  and 
elect  your  ticket,  as  you  can  do,  thus  gaining  a  victory  Avhich 
will  assist  materially  in  the  national  contest  Avhich  occurs 
next  year. 

HON.  MARSHALL  JEWELL, 
Who  Avas  cordially  welcomed,  remarked  that  the  exercises 
of  the  evening  take  us  back  to  the  origin  of  the  Republican 
party,  l)ut  that  they  also  called  up  to  his  mind  what  that 
party  should  do  now.  When  Massachusetts  took  the  lead 
in  this  work,  we  were  compelled  in  other  lands  to  excuse 
ourselves  for  being  Americans,  but  for  the  last  few  years  this 
has  been  indeed  "  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the 
brave."  Before  the  war  they  taunted  us  with  having  slavery  ; 
after  it  had  been  abolished  they  said  we  should  never  return 
to  our  normal  condition  ;  but  the  Republican  party  has  so 
changed  affairs  that  while  our  six  per  cent  bonds  were  sold  a 
few  years  ago  in  Europe  at  fifty  per  cent  on  their  face  value, 
the  four  per  cents  are  now  gladly  l)ought  at  par.  They  are 
asking  of  us  everywhere,  What  can  you  not  do  ?     They  want 


Sf<  ADDRESS    OF    SEXATOR    DAWES. 

all  \vc  can  make,  all  we  t-m  itrodiico,  and  so,  as  a  iiicrcliaiil , 
1  sa\  we  lia\('  just  ciitcrcd  a  scrii-s  of  vcars  ol"  prosperity 
uuotjuaiUHl  in  our  lixcs.  I  Ixdicvc  that  we  have  but  to  make 
citi/enship  as  sate  in  one  part  of  the  country  as  in  another  to 
lirinu-  our  nation  to  what  it  should  he,  to  put  it  in  the  posi-" 
{\on  of  the  l(>adini2,'  aiiricultural  and  connnercial  country  in 
the  worltl. 

ADDRESS  OF  SENATOR  DAWES. 
Ladies  and  Gentlemex,  —  AVhatc^ver  uncertainty  there 
may  he  al)out  the  exact  time  and  ])lace  of  the  birth  of  the 
Kepubliean  party,  there  can  be  no  mistaking  its  proper  place 
in  history.  It  stands  out  in  a  grandeur  of  proportion  and 
in  a  sulilimity  of  aim  and  accomplishment  which  will  make 
it  ever  the  marvel  of  all  ages.  Looking  back  to-night  over 
these  twenty-live  years,  its  origin,  its  growth,  its  courage, 
its  sacrifices,  its  conflicts  and  its  achievements,  I  seem  to 
stand  1)eneath  the  shadow  of  a  great  miracle  which  any  woi-ds 
of  mine  Avould  but  belittle.  I  shall  therefore  detain  you  but 
for  a  sin<rle  moment.  There  have  been  durins;  these  twenty- 
live  years  great  crises  in  the  National  life,  promptly  met  b}' 
the  patriotic  wisdom  and  valor  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
pivotal  points  in  the  life  of  that  party  itself,  which  greatly 
tempt  one  into  discourse  upon  this  occasion.  But  the  life 
and  history  of  a  political  party,  like  the  life  of  an  individual, 
cannot  be  written  till  its  work  is  done,  and  that  time  has  not 
yet  arrived.  AVhen  it  shall  have  come,  and  its  course  is 
finished,  the  pages  that  shall  fittingly  record  the  work  of 
these  twenty-five  years,  and  their  far-reaching  influence  and 
relation  in  the  Ilepublic,  i)ast  and  future,  will  be  so  illumi- 
nated that  they  will  l)e  read  around  the  world  in  generations 
to  come,  with  wonder  and  admiration.  From  the  day  of  its 
birth  to  this  hour  its  being  has  been  extraordinary  beyond 
parallel.      Xo  other  part}-,  here  or  elsewhere,  was  ever  sum- 


ADDRESS    OF    SENATOR    DAWES.  89 

monecl  into  existence  by  such  an  exigency  as  called  to  its  feet 
the  Republican  party.  No  other  party  had  such  a  rapid 
growth,  or  was  ever  nerved  to  its  duty  by  such  an  unflinching 
courage.  No  other  party  ever  made  such  sacrifices,  assumed 
such  burdens,  or  achieved  such  grand  and  enduring  results. 
History  nowhere  records  that  it  was  ever  before  allotted  to  a 
political  part}^  to  save  the  National  life  of  forty  millions  of 
people  ;  to  emancipate  and  clothe  with  citizenship  and  politi- 
cal equality  a  whole  race  of  four  millions  in  their  midst  in 
abject  slavery  before  the  Government  was  ;  or  to  throttle  the 
most  gigantic  Eebellion  the  world  has  ever  seen,  cheerfully 
sacrificing  in  the  conflict,  life  and  treasure  beyond  the  world's 
measure  of  possibility  or  belief,  and  in  its  triumph  lifting  up 
the  fallen  enemy;  to  hold  up  the  National  honor  and  the 
public  faith  so  high  that  no  political  trickster  or  dishonest 
demao-oo^ue  could  either  touch  or  tarnish  it ;  to  substitute 
peaceful  arbitration  for  war  1)etween  nations. 

What  has  been  the  secret  of  a  power  so  marvellous  for 
the  attainment  of  such  grand  results,  lies  too  far  within  the 
domain  of  philosophy  of  human  action  itself,  to  permit  a 
discussion  upon  this  occasion  beyond  the  reverent  acknowl- 
edgment that  God  it  was  who  wrought  this,  sublimely, 
throucrh  these  instrumentalities.  The  work  of  the  Eepub- 
lican  part}-  is  so  impressed  upon  every  phase  of  National 
life  for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  that  neither  history,  nor 
philosophy,  nor  statesmanship  can  turn  to  any  side  of  it  and 
escape  a  study  of  the  moulding  and  shaping  infiuences  of  that 
party.  And  through  all  that  work  are  recorded  the  names 
of  great  historic  characters  and  heroes,  and  of  martyrs  now 
o-one  to  their  immortal  revrard.  Sumner  and  Wilson  and 
Andrew,  the  elder  Hoar,  Hopkins  and  Burlingame,  began 
that  work  here  in  Massachusetts,  and  to-night  we  have  to 
follow  and  confide.  Lincoln  and  Seward  and  Chase,  joining 
them,  made  broad  and  comprehensive  as  the  Nation  itself 


00  ADDiM.ss  or  sii:riii:N    m.    ai.i.kx. 

t!i:it  wliii'h  \\:i>  iin  ii'ly  Kicnl  here.  All  tlicsi^  in  (iod's  own 
timt".  Mini  ;it  :i  time  when,  to  liiiiiian  I'orosii^ht ,  il  appeared  that 
siicli  roiiM  least  lie  spare(l,  lia\ c  Iteeii  taken  iVoni  this  woi'k, 
Iiiit  their  mantle  and  their  teaehinus  are  still  with  us,  and 
the  work  ii'oes  on. 

Mr.  President.  I  count  it  the  ehiel'  honor  of  my  life   that 

1  lia\{'  stood  from  ;he  day  of  its  hirth  in  (he  raidc  and  tile 
of  such  a  glorious  party,  under  such  a  glorious  leadership, 
and  beneath  sncli  a  banner.  And  so  long  us  that  party  shall 
be  true  to  itself  and  its  traditions,  so  long  as  it  shall  heed 
the  teachings  of  those  who  ha\'e  gone  before,  with  it  and  its 
work  1  am  content  to  abide. 

HON.  STEPHEN  M.  ALLEN, 
Who  presided  over  the  first  Republican  Convention  on  the 
Coninion  at  Worcester,  in  1854,  was  next  introduced  ))y  Gen- 
eral Ijanks,  who  spoke  of  the  fact  that  that  gentleman  was 
a  member  of  the  coalition  legislature  of  1851,  which  elected 
Charles  Sumner  to  the  United  States  Senate.  Mr.  Allen  pre- 
sented his  "  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party,"  prepared  at  the  request  of  the  State  Central 
Committee,  Avhich  formed  a  carefully  printed  and  neatly 
bound  pamphlet  of  goodly  size,  saying  jocosely  that  he 
would  thus  make  the  longest  speech  of  the  evening  in  the 
shortest  time.  He  recalled  the  early  political  events  of  the 
party  with  which  he  was  familiar,  referring  to  many  of  those 
now  dead,  and  concluding  with  the  sentiment,  "  Whatever 
dissensions  there  may  be  in  its  ranks  about  Gubernatorial 
candidates  the  present  year,  long  live  the  Republican  party 
of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  !  " 
The  next  speaker  was 

HON    GEORGE  B.  LORING, 
Who  facetiously  remarked  at  the  outset,  that  he  w^as  not 
one  of  those  who  were  born  with  th(!  Republican  [)arty,  yet 


CLOSING    ADDRESSES.  91 

at  a  moment's  notice  he  was  called  upon  to  rival  the  experi- 
ence of  the  leaders  of  that  part}^  who  were  thanking  God 
that  they  had  l)een  members  of  the  Repulilican  party  since 
its  birth.  Dr.  Loring  then  stated  the  reasons  which  induced 
him  to  leave  the  Democratic  party  and  identify  himself  with 
the  Republican  party,  which  he  found  was  guiding  the  moral 
thought  of  the  people.  He  congratulated  that  party  in  the 
work  it  had  accomplished  ;  and  in  conclusion,  appealed  to  all 
good  men  to  remain  true  to  the  honest  purposes  of  the  Re- 
publican party. 

CLOSING  SPEECHES. 

Hon.  Lewis  Barker,  of  Maine,  was  introduced,  and  cre- 
ated a  deal  of  laughter  by  his  pointed  remarks  about  the 
manner  in  which  the  committee  of  arrangements  had  induced 
him  to  appear  on  the  platform.  He  did  not  come  to  the 
hall  to  speak,  but  to  see  how  a  meeting  of  this  kind  is  con- 
ducted, as  they  intend  to  have  a  similar  occasion  in  Maine 
before  a  great  while.  He  said  he,  like  Dr.  Loring,  was  not 
a  convert  to  the  Republican  party  until  Fort  Sumter  was 
fired  on.  Then  he  cast  his  lot  with  the  Republican  party, 
and  has  always  remained  true  in  the  ranks.  He  referred 
pleasantly  to  the  former  relations  of  Massachusetts  and 
Maine,  the  mother  and  daughter,  and  then  spoke  of  the  kind 
of  talk  the  North  gave  the  South  during  the  trying  scenes 
of  the  war.  The  South  had  talked  most  of  the  time  for 
three  quarters  of  a  century,  and  when  we  met  them  on  their 
own  ground,  and  in  their  own  language,  we  showed  them 
the  material  of  which  we  are  made,  and  they  cried,  enough. 
But  they  were  not  satisfied ;  they  still  seek  to  rule  the  whole 
Nation  and  to  crush  out  the  freedom  of  the  ballot.  Shall 
they  be  allowed  to  do  it  ?  No  :  the  work  of  the  Republican 
party  will  not  be  done  until  every  man  is  protected  in  his 
full  rights.  He  spoke  of  the  recent  lively  campaign  in 
Maine,  where  the  Greenback  heresy  has  prevailed  for  two 


\)2  CT.OSINC     ATMMIF.SSrS. 

yi';irs.  aiul  cxpri'ssiMl  the  liopt'  (li;it  i(  li;iil  rccclvod  ;i  blow 
iVom  w  huh  it  conld  not  rccoxcr.  lie  spoki*  ;i  ptoil  word 
lor  Govcnior-olii-t  Davis,  ol"  Maine,  a  youiiu-  man  who,  ten 
years  auo,  was  a  hiw  sliident  in  the  s[)eaker's  law  olliee.  He 
lives  lo-day  in  a  liou*;e  whieh  eost  four  hundi'ed  dollars,  but 
he  is  made  of  (he  riizhl  stull',  and  within  a  lew  years  will  be 
heard  from  by  the  [)eople  of  the  country.  Mr.  Barkers  re- 
marks were  of  a  very  humorous  eliaraeler,  and  called  out 
roimd  after  round  of  applause. 

The  lion.  Edward  L.  Pierce  said,  that  although  the  Ue- 
publican  party  of  Massachusetts  might  be  divided  as  to  its 
preferences  as  to  candidates,  yet  it  was  united  in  promoting 
the  objects  for  which  it  was  formed.  The  country  looked  to 
the  success  of  the  Kepublican  party  in  Massachusetts,  and 
as  she  had  been  faithful  in  the  past,  so  should  she  assuredly 
be  in  the  future. 

At  a  few  minutes  before  10  o'clock,  the  meeting  was 
brought  to  a  close  with  three  cheers  for  the  continued  suc- 
cess and  future  prospects  of  the  Republican  party. 


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